Media's picture of Kerry
based on RNC distortions
Fair.org
Peter Hart
August 2004
"Like a caged hamster, Senator John Kerry is restless on the
road," wrote the New York Times' Jodi Wilgoren (6/13/04),
beginning a piece that promised "authentic insights" into the
Democratic presidential candidate. Aside from the banalities
(Kerry dislikes wearing suits on hot, humid days, and uses a
cellphone more than John Glenn did when he ran for president in
1984), what's most striking about the piece is how closely it
mirrors the Republican caricature of Kerry, portraying him as an
elitist with "a prep-school cultivated competitive sensibility,"
whose speeches "are filled with multisyllabic upper-crust
phrasing," and as a "contradictory" character who "is anything
but simple and straightforward." Even his playing a musical
instrument is portrayed as somehow weird and un-American: "And
where former President Bill Clinton plays cards and President
Bush turns to the treadmill, Senator Kerry strums his Spanish
classical guitar in a kind of musical meditation."
Wilgoren's piece, with its effect of amplifying Bush campaign
allegations about Kerry, is typical of 2004 presidential campaign
coverage. This phenomenon is seen not only in the media's
frequent forays into trivia, but also in their attempts to cover
substantive issues—as in February, when the Republican
National Committee (2/22/04) released a list of weapons systems
that Kerry allegedly "voted against."
Partisan TV pundits like Fox News Channel's Sean Hannity
(3/1/04) quickly echoed these charges, claiming, "He's voting
against every major weapons system we now use in our military."
The partisan Hannity's participation in the RNC's attack was
perhaps to be expected, but he was not the only media figure to
pass along the Republican allegations without examination. CNN
anchor Judy Woodruff (2/25/04) framed the issue this way in an
interview with Rep. Norm Dicks (D.-Wash.): "The Republicans list
something like 13 different weapons systems that they say the
record shows Senator Kerry voted against. The Patriot missile,
the B-1 bomber, the Trident missile and on and on and on."
Embarrassingly, Dicks had to explain to Woodruff that most of
the weapons "votes" weren't individual votes at all, but a single
vote on the Pentagon's 1991 appropriations bill. Woodruff
responded to this information with surprise: "Are you saying that
all these weapons systems were part of one defense appropriations
bill in 1991?"
But Woodruff wasn't alone. When Bush/Cheney campaign
strategist Ralph Reed explained to CNN anchor Wolf Blitzer
(2/3/04) that Kerry's record was one of "voting to dismantle 27
weapons systems," Blitzer responded to Reed's deceptive spin by
turning to guest Ann Lewis of the Democratic National Committee
and saying, "I think it's fair to say, Ann, that there's been
some opposition research done."
One of the few reporters to take a serious look at the RNC's
list—on which 10 of the 13 items refer to the single 1991
vote on an appropriations bill—was Slate's Fred Kaplan
(2/25/04). Kaplan noted that 16 senators, including five
Republicans, voted against the bill, and concluded that the claim
against Kerry "reeks of rank dishonesty." Kaplan also pointed out
that at the time of the 1991 vote, deeper cuts in military
spending were being advocated by some prominent
Republicans—including then-President George H.W. Bush and
Dick Cheney, who was secretary of defense at the time.
As Kaplan noted, Cheney appealed for more cuts from Congress:
"You've squabbled and sometimes bickered and horse-traded and
ended up forcing me to spend money on weapons that don't fill a
vital need in these times of tight budgets and new requirements."
Cheney went on to name the M-1 tank and the F-14 and F-16
fighters—all of which would later appear on the RNC's
list—as systems that "we have enough of."
For many reporters, though, such facts weren't allowed to get
in the way of what they seemed to consider the standard
back-and-forth of a political campaign. Fox News Channel's Carl
Cameron (2/27/04) was typical: "With the GOP attacking John
Kerry's votes to cut defense over the years, the Democratic
frontrunner, once again, counter-attacked what he calls the
president's 'mishandling' of the war on terror." Associated Press
reporter Nedra Pickler (2/27/04) likewise noted that "the Bush
campaign has criticized Kerry in recent days for voting against
some increases in defense spending and military weapons programs
during his 19-year congressional career." NBC anchor Tom Brokaw
(3/2/04, MSNBC) also seemed to accept the charges at face value,
noting that "the vice president just today was talking about
[Kerry's] votes against the CIA budget, for example, intelligence
budgets and also weapons systems. Isn't [Kerry] going to be very
vulnerable come the fall when national security is such a big
issue in this country?"
"Kerry propaganda"
Brokaw alluded to a new allegation against Kerry that emerged
in March: According to the Bush campaign, Sen. Kerry had tried to
cut $1.5 billion from the intelligence budget, a move Bush called
a "gutting." Though you wouldn't have known it from most of the
coverage, the Washington Post noted on March 12 that Kerry's
proposed cut was actually smaller than the eventual $3.8 billion
cut passed by the Republican-led Congress, which focused on a
mismanaged intelligence program that had accumulated excess
funds. But some outlets aren't interested in such nuance. Later
that day, on Fox News Channel's Special Report, panelist Juan
Williams seemed to have read the Post article, arguing that
Republicans had pushed the same kinds of cuts. Fellow Fox
panelist Mort Kondracke cut him off: "That's Kerry
propaganda."
It's good to see that pundits recognize the concept of
propaganda; that might have helped them to interpret the Bush
campaign's claim that Kerry has voted "for higher taxes" more
than 350 times. This number, as commentators like Michael Kinsley
pointed out (Washington Post, 3/24/04), is deeply misleading,
counting votes to keep tax rates the same, or even to lower them
by less than Republicans wanted, as votes for "higher taxes."
Even with this dubious definition, the Republican list counts the
same votes multiple times.
Nonetheless, some journalists allowed the charge to be
repeated without correction. CBS reporter Byron Pitts (3/5/04),
for example, announced a Republican claim that the Bush tax cuts
would be in jeopardy under a Kerry administration, then turned to
Commerce Secretary Don Evans, who stated, "Senator Kerry has
voted for tax increases over 350 times." While Evans exaggerated
an already misleading claim, CBS viewers were not told that there
was anything questionable about the 350 figure.
On rare occasions, some outlets do step back and take a look
at the big picture on truth in campaign advertising. A Washington
Post report (5/31/04) on Bush and Kerry ads used rather blunt
language in concluding that many of the claims made about Kerry
by the Bush campaign—on issues like the Patriot Act, No
Child Left Behind and gasoline taxes—are simply false.
According to the Post, the ads "distort Kerry's record and words
to undermine the candidate or reinforce negative perceptions of
him," with some ads amounting to a "torrent of
misstatements."
When NBC Nightly News (4/6/04) invited Brooks Jackson of
Factcheck.org to debunk misleading campaign ads, Jackson called
the taxes allegation "so bogus," and dismissed another anti-Kerry
ad about his alleged support for a gas tax increase. But anchor
Brian Williams neutralized this attempt to set the record
straight: "It is hard to tell fact from fiction," he
concluded.
French connection?
CNN's Inside Edition took this practice of amplifying GOP
talking points to a new low with a segment (5/25/04) devoted to
the notion that John Kerry seems, well, French. "He caught flak
early in the campaign for his French connections," explained
anchor Judy Woodruff. The "flak" seemed to consist of Republicans
making fun of Kerry for either "looking French" or speaking the
French language fluently. Anchor Wolf Blitzer got the ball
rolling by announcing that "the French, of course, among other
things helped to strain the alliance between the United States
and its European allies over the war in Iraq." CNN then explained
that Kerry has French family, and has summered in that
country.
Then CNN turned the microphones on the American public. Random
people interviewed on the street offered negative impressions of
the French; they're uppity, arrogant, and even "international."
That last word is trouble, at least to Woodruff: "A tricky word
to be saddled with if you're running to lead a war-time White
House and your relatives across the pond have not embraced the
war."
Viewers may have been left wondering what to make of such a
story: Various Republicans and right-wing pundits have done their
best to turn a bigoted view of French people into a campaign
issue. CNN took that bigotry and, rather than denouncing or
criticizing it, decided to expand on it, connecting Kerry to
various negative stereotypes about French people. Ironically,
near the end of the piece Woodruff remarks that connecting Kerry
to these negative feelings about the French might be dirty
politics: "Some accused the GOP of speaking in code." The same
charge could be made against CNN.
Kerry's "Missteps"
When not amplifying Bush talking points, media were focusing
on Kerry's alleged gaffes or misstatements, ranging from
convoluted explanations of his Senate voting record to whether or
not he owns a sports utility vehicle. But while these relatively
trivial aspects of John Kerry's record have come under intense
and prolonged media scrutiny, journalists have shown a reluctance
to highlight much more significant falsehoods by Kerry's main
rival, George W. Bush (FAIR Media Advisory, 5/20/04).
Time magazine's May 10 story, "What Kerry Means to Say," is a
typical example of recent Kerry coverage. After noting Kerry's
opportunities to score points against a White House besieged by
questions about Iraq, the September 11 commission and the Supreme
Court, reporter Karen Tumulty asks, "But what did the challenger
find himself talking about for three days? The answer is whether
or not Kerry threw away his medals or his ribbons in the early
1970s."
Tumulty attributes this story line to a personal flaw in
Kerry: The campaign has often been about the "traps that the Bush
campaign is adept at setting for Kerry, and the personality trait
that makes Kerry walk right into them." Of course, Kerry "found
himself" talking about the distinctions between ribbons and
medals because these were the topics that journalists were asking
him about. And on occasions like the "medals" flap, the press
corps seemed to smell blood, latching on to stories of dubious
importance that seem to portray Kerry as faltering or changing
course.
Thus, before the medals "controversy," media interest was
centered on claims about Kerry's medical records from Vietnam.
After Kerry pledged on NBC's Meet the Press to release medical
records from his service in Vietnam, ABC World News Tonight
(4/21/04) reported that Kerry's service "has become the subject
of controversy" because some of his critics were raising doubts
about his first Purple Heart. When the medical records did little
to bolster their case, the press corps switched to another GOP
spin point: Kerry didn't get the records out fast enough. ABC's
report included a soundbite from RNC chair Ed Gillespie: "When
President Bush committed to release all his military records on
the same program, he kept his word. John Kerry should do the
same." The fact that Bush took five days after his Meet the Press
appearance to get his records out while Kerry took three did not
deter media outlets from doing stories on this nonexistent issue.
(Bush has yet to release his pay records or his final personnel
evaluation, claiming that they are no longer
available—Salon, 2/18/04—surely an issue of greater
weight than how many days a document release took.)
Throughout the various reports of Kerry "missteps" is the
sense that the Kerry campaign is in a state of disarray, and
unable to deal with such problems: "Bad Timing as Kerry Slips Out
of Picture," claimed one New York Times headline (4/1/04); "Kerry
Struggling to Find a Theme, Democrats Fear," claimed another
piece a month later (5/2/04).
The microscopic scrutiny the press corps pays to Kerry's
statements is jarring, considering the obviously lenient attitude
journalists takes when it comes to Bush's much more important
"flip-flops." A Time magazine piece (4/12/04) wondered why
Kerry's alleged inconsistencies were more important than Bush's.
The magazine offered one explanation: "How tight the label sticks
depends a lot on the impression voters have already formed, which
means that a less well-known candidate can be vulnerable in ways
a familiar one may not be." Not mentioned was the rather
significant role played by the press corps in determining whether
such a label "sticks."
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