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Rebellion Against Abuse
Washington Post
WaPo Editoral Board
November 3, 2005
LAST MONTH a prisoner at the Guantanamo Bay military base excused himself
from a conversation with his lawyer and stepped into a cell, where he slashed
his arm and hung himself. This desperate attempted suicide by a detainee held
for four years without charge, trial or any clear prospect of release was not
isolated. At least 131 Guantanamo inmates began a hunger strike on Aug. 8 to
protest their indefinite confinement, and more than two dozen are being kept
alive only by force-feeding. No wonder Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld has
denied permission to U.N. human rights investigators to meet with detainees at
Guantanamo: Their accounts would surely add to the discredit the United States
has earned for its lawless treatment of foreign prisoners.
Guantanamo, however, is not the worst problem. As The Post's Dana Priest
reported yesterday, the CIA maintains its own network of secret prisons, into
which 100 or more terrorist suspects have "disappeared" as if they were victims
of a Third World dictatorship. Some of the 30 most important prisoners are
being held in secret facilities in Eastern European countries -- which should
shame democratic governments that only recently dismantled Soviet-era secret
police apparatuses. Held in dark underground cells, the prisoners have no legal
rights, no visitors from outside the CIA and no checks on their treatment, even
by the International Red Cross. President Bush has authorized interrogators to
subject these men to "cruel, inhuman and degrading" treatment that is illegal
in the United States and that is banned by a treaty ratified by the Senate. The
governments that allow the CIA prisons on their territory violate this
international law, if not their own laws.
This shameful situation is the direct result of Mr. Bush's decision in
February 2002 to set aside the Geneva Conventions as well as standing U.S.
regulations for the handling of detainees. Under the Geneva Conventions, al
Qaeda militants could have been denied prisoner-of-war status and held
indefinitely; they could have been interrogated and tried, either in U.S.
courts or under the military system of justice. At the same time they would
have been protected by Geneva from torture and other cruel treatment. Had Mr.
Bush followed that course, the abuse scandals at Guantanamo Bay and in
Afghanistan and Iraq, and the severe damage they have caused to the United
States, could have been averted. Key authors of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks,
such as Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and Ramzi Binalshibh, could have been put on
trial, with their crimes exposed to the world.
Instead, not a single al Qaeda leader has been prosecuted in the past four
years. The Pentagon's system of hearings on the status of Guantanamo detainees,
introduced only after a unanimous ruling by the Supreme Court, has no way of
resolving the long-term status of most detainees. The CIA has no long-term plan
for its secret prisoners, whom one agency official described as "a horrible
burden."
For some time a revolt against this disastrous policy has been gathering
steam inside the administration and in the Senate; it is led by senators such
as John McCain (R-Ariz.) and by the same military officers and State Department
officials who opposed Mr. Bush's decision to disregard the Geneva accords.
Their opponents are a small group of civilian political appointees circled
around Mr. Rumsfeld and Vice President Cheney. According to a report in the New
York Times, the military professionals want to restore Geneva's protections
against cruel treatment to the Pentagon's official doctrine for handling
detainees. Mr. McCain is seeking to ban "cruel, inhuman and degrading"
treatment for all detainees held by the United States, including those in the
CIA's secret prisons.
There is no more important issue before the country or Congress. Yet the
advocates of decency and common sense seem to have meager support from the
Democratic Party. Senate Democrats staged a legislative stunt on Tuesday
intended to reopen -- once again -- the debate on prewar intelligence about
Iraq. They have taken no such dramatic stand against the CIA's abuses of
foreign prisoners; on a conference committee considering Mr. McCain's
amendment, Democratic support has been faltering. While Democrats grandstand
about a war debate that took place three years ago, the Bush administration's
champions of torture are quietly working to preserve policies whose reversal
ought to be an urgent priority.
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