|
CBO: House Bill Hits Poor Hard
Center on Budget and Policy Priorities
By Robert Greenstein, Sharon Parrott, and Isaac Shapiro
November 18, 2005
Last night, the House of Representatives narrowly approved a budget
reconciliation bill that makes cuts in a number of programs. Information
from the Congressional Budget Office shows that many of the cuts would hit
low-income people directly and hard, and that these cuts were changed only
marginally in the tweaking of the bill that occurred before it was brought to a
vote.
-
CBO estimates that the provisions that will cause many low-income Medicaid
beneficiaries to be required to pay more out-of-pocket for health care, and
will reduce the health care services for which these beneficiaries are covered,
represent cuts of nearly $30 billion over ten years. A large body of
research shows that when premiums are imposed or co-payments are raised
significantly, low-income patients forgo needed health care or medications and
many become sicker as a consequence. Consistent with this research, CBO expects
the increase in premiums and co-payments in the bill — primarily for
near-poor people modestly above the poverty line, who would face particularly
large increases in these charges — to lead to Medicaid patients forgoing
various health care services and prescription medications or not enrolling in
Medicaid at all. CBO noted that its estimate of nearly $30 billion in savings
in this area "reflect[s] CBO's expectation of reduced utilization of
services due to higher cost-sharing requirements and decreased participation in
Medicaid by individuals who would be required to pay premiums.'
In fact, CBO estimated that about 80 percent of the savings from the
increases in Medicaid co-payments are expected to come from decreases in the
use of services such as doctors' visits and prescribed medications, that
ultimately 17 million low-income Medicaid beneficiaries would be subject to
higher co-payments, and that more than 100,000 people would lose coverage
altogether because they would have trouble paying the premiums. CBO also said
that the reduced use of health care services would result in more emergency
room visits and higher emergency care costs (as people's health worsens due to
lack of timely care).
In addition, under the House bill, states would no longer be required to
provide low-income children just above the poverty line with comprehensive
preventive care and treatment. Substantial numbers of near-poor children could
lose coverage for such services as eyeglasses, hearing aids, dental care speech
therapy, and crutches.
- CBO estimates that child support payments made by non-custodial parents
would be $24 billion lower over ten years. CBO estimates that the deep cuts in
funding for child support enforcement included in the House bill would result
in $24 billion in child support that would otherwise have been collected going
unpaid instead. By sharply weakening child support enforcement, the House bill
would undercut one of the government's principal tools for enforcing personal
responsibility on those who father a child.
- CBO estimates indicate that more than 220,000 people a month would lose
food stamps; the large majority of these are people in low-income working
families. This number includes at least 150,000 people, most of them in
low-income working families with children that now receive food stamps because
they have substantial work and housing expenses that drop their net incomes
below the poverty line. In addition, 70,000 legal immigrants who have been in
the United States between five and seven years, primarily working-poor parents
and poor elderly individuals, would be cut off food stamps by 2008.
- Child care subsidies would be eliminated for 330,000 children in low-income
working families. The House bill requires states to place many more parents
receiving cash assistance under the TANF program into work programs. States
will have to provide child care for these parents. Yet the House bill fails to
provide enough child care money even to maintain the current number of
subsidized child care slots for low-income families. (The bill fails even to
keep current child care funding up with inflation.) As a result, states would
have to shift child care slots from working poor families that are not on TANF
cash assistance to families that receive cash aid and are participating in work
programs. By 2010, some 330,000 children in low-income families in which the
parents are working and are not on welfare would lose their child care
subsidies. (This figure is a CBPP estimate; no CBO estimate is available.)
The House bill's provisions are especially troubling in light of recent
economic trends. Official government data show that poverty, income inequality,
food insecurity, and health coverage all have worsened in the past few years.
The House approach would exacerbate these trends.
A More Balanced Approach is Available
The House could readily produce the same amount of savings without sharp
cuts in assistance for low-income families, if it wished to do so. For
instance, the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission (MedPAC), Congress' official
advisory body on Medicare payments, has identified tens of billions of dollars
in excessive payments by Medicare to managed care plans. The Senate achieved
substantial savings in this area in its reconciliation bill. The House achieved
none. Similarly, the House did far less than the Senate to lower the prices
that Medicaid pays for prescription drugs, because the House essentially
shielded the pharmaceutical companies.
To save $50 billion over the next five years — the approximate effect
of the House bill — the House could have curbed the excessive payments to
managed care plans (as recommended by MedPAC), lowered the cost of prescription
drugs under the Medicaid program (as the Senate did), and cancelled two tax
cuts exclusively for high-income people that are scheduled to start taking
effect on January 1. These two new tax cuts will be on top of existing tax cuts
that, the Urban Institute-Brookings Tax Policy Center reports, already are
providing average tax cuts of $103,000 apiece to people who make over $1
million a year. Washington Post and Newsweek columnist Robert J. Samuelson,
among others, has called for repealing the two new tax cuts before they take
effect.
Indeed, the savings just from canceling the two new cuts, which will provide
no benefit to middle-class households but confer an average tax cut (when the
new tax cuts are phased in fully) of an additional $19,000 a year to people
making over $1 million a year, would be more than enough to replace all of the
House bill's cuts in assistance programs for low-income families and
individuals.
|
|