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Bush faces nuclear deal fallout
The Age (AU)
By Steven Weisman, Washington
March 4, 2006

Critics say America's deal with India is hypocritical and will do nothing to lessen Iranian intransigence.

IN CONCLUDING its nuclear deal with India, the Bush Administration faces significant opposition in Congress and tough questions from its allies on whether the arrangement could set a precedent encouraging the spread of nuclear weapons to Iran and other potential foes of the US.

But Administration officials have expressed confidence that they can overcome the scepticism of critics, in part because support is nearly universal in the West and among Republicans and Democrats in Washington for strengthening India as a bastion of democracy and as a counterweight to China in Asia.

The Defence Department issued an unusually explicit statement hailing the deal for enabling more American-Indian military co-operation.

"Where only a few years ago, no one would have talked about the prospects for a major US-India defence deal, today the prospects are promising, whether in the realm of combat aircraft, helicopters, maritime patrol aircraft or naval vessels," the Defence Department statement said.

Diplomats familiar with the negotiations with India said Britain, France, Germany and probably Russia would eventually support the agreement, in part because it would clear the way for them to sell nuclear fuel, reactors and equipment to India. They would not agree to be identified, because several countries have yet to signal what stance they will take.

Several diplomats said that more scepticism was expected from China, because India has made little secret of its desire for a nuclear weapons arsenal to counter Beijing and its long-time ally, Pakistan.

Critics of the deal in Congress and abroad are certain to focus on what they maintain is a double standard embraced by the Bush Administration: in effect, allowing India to have nuclear weapons and still get international assistance but insisting that Iran, North Korea and other "rogue states" be given no such waiver.

But Administration officials insisted there was no double standard. "The comparison between India and Iran is just ludicrous," Nicholas Burns, the Under-Secretary of State for Political Affairs, said.

"India is a highly democratic, peaceful, stable state that has not proliferated nuclear weapons. Iran is an autocratic state mistrusted by nearly all countries and that has violated its international commitments."

An alliance of conservative Republicans is concerned that the deal will encourage Iranian intransigence, and liberal Democrats claim the Bush Administration has effectively scrapped the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty.

Senator Richard Lugar, the Indiana Republican who leads the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, has more than 80 questions about the deal that he says need to be answered before it can be approved.

"People are worried about the precedent of establishing a full-fledged co-operation with India while we're wagging our finger at North Korea and Iran," said a Republican aide on Capitol Hill, who requested anonymity because he was describing matters still being weighed in private discussions. "But it's also true that India is facing an energy crisis, and we can't ignore that problem either."

The deal announced by President Bush and Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in New Delhi is aimed at removing the ban effectively imposed by the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty on the sale of fuel and civilian nuclear technology to India, in return for India's agreement to allow international inspections of its civilian reactors.

India will be able to keep its nuclear arms program and a third of its reactors under military control, outside international inspection, including two so-called fast-breeder reactors that could produce fuel for weapons.

The accord would also allow India to build future breeder reactors and keep them outside international inspections.

A fast-breeder reactor takes spent nuclear fuel and processes it for reuse as fuel or weapons. American officials negotiating with India in recent months failed to get India to agree to put its current and future breeder reactors under civilian control. But the accord would allow India to buy equipment and materials for only those new reactors that are to be used for civilian purposes.

India's refusal to put all its breeder reactors under civilian control was seen in New Delhi as a matter of pride and sovereignty. Mr Singh, who reiterated the need for India's autonomy in nuclear matters, faces pressure from his governing coalition, which includes the Communist Party and other anti-American elements.

India's nuclear program has previously mixed civilian and military purposes. But the accord announced in New Delhi would place 14 of India's 22 nuclear reactors under civilian inspection regimes by 2014.

The phase-in and the possibility that breeder reactors may never come under such a regime have drawn fire from critics. "This deal not only lets India amass as many nuclear weapons as it wants, it looks like we made no effort to try to curtail them," said George Perkovich, vice-president for studies at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

"This is Santa Claus negotiating. The goal seems to have been to give away as much as possible."

NEW YORK TIMES

  • India has 14 reactors in commercial operation and nine under construction.
  • The historic US-India nuclear accord calls for India to classify 14 of its 22 nuclear reactors as "civilian" and submit them to international inspections.
  • The remaining eight reactors would be classified as "military" and remain closed to inspections.
  • Nuclear power supplies about 3 per cent of India's electricity. By 2050, that figure is expected to increase to 25 per cent.
  • India has limited coal and uranium reserves.
  • Its huge thorium reserves — about 25 per cent of the world's total — are expected to fuel its nuclear power program long-term.
  • India is not a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
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