States Cut
Test Standards to Avoid Sanctions
New York Times
By SAM DILLON
May 22, 2003
AUSTIN, Tex. — Security was tight when Texas State Board
of Education members were given results last fall from a field
trial of a new statewide achievement test. Guards stood outside
their locked meeting room, and board members were asked to sign a
secrecy pledge, reflecting the sensitivity of the situation.
"The results were grim," said Chase Untermeyer, a member. "Few
students did well. Many students got almost no answers
right."
Fearing that thousands of students would fail the new test and
be held back a grade, and that hundreds of schools could face
penalties under the federal No Child Left Behind law, the board
voted to reduce the number of questions that students must answer
correctly to pass it, to 20 out of 36, from 24, for third-grade
reading.
Texas has not been alone in lowering its testing standards in
recent months. Educators in other states have been making similar
decisions as they seek to avoid the penalties that the federal
law imposes on schools whose students fare poorly on standardized
tests. Since President Bush signed the law in January 2002, all
50 states have presented plans for compliance. But some experts
say there is only a veneer of acquiescence. Quietly, they say,
states are doing their best to avoid costly sanctions.
Michigan's standards had been among the nation's highest,
which caused problems last year when 1,513 schools there were
labeled under the law as needing improvement, more than in any
other state. So Michigan officials lowered the percentage of
students who must pass statewide tests to certify a school as
making adequate progress — to 42 percent, from 75 percent
of high school students on English tests, for example. That
reduced the number of schools so labeled to 216.
Colorado employed another tactic that will result in fewer
schools being labeled as needing improvement. It overhauled the
grading system used on its tests, lumping students previously
characterized on the basis of test scores as "partially
proficient" with those called "proficient."
"Some states are lowering the passing scores, they're
redefining schools in need of improvement and they're deferring
the hard task of achievement-boosting into the distant future,"
said Chester E. Finn Jr., a former assistant secretary of
education who supports the law's goal of raising standards.
"That's a really cynical approach."
Under the law, states that fail to comply risk losing federal
education money. Schools deemed failing several years in a row
must offer tutoring to low-achieving students and, eventually,
can be forced into complete reorganization. But the law leaves it
up to the states to establish their own standards of success.
Some experts also fault the law for requiring states to bring
100 percent of students up to proficiency in reading and math by
2014, a level they say has never been achieved in any state or
country.
"The severe sanctions may hinder educational excellence," said
Robert L. Linn, a professor at the University of Colorado who is
the immediate past president of the American Educational Research
Association, "because they implicitly encourage states to water
down their content and performance standards in order to reduce
the risk of sanctions."
Federal officials disagree. Dan Langan, a spokesman for the
Department of Education, said the department had closely
monitored all states' preparations for compliance with the law
and was satisfied that the law would not bring lower standards.
"The law includes safeguards to hold states accountable," Mr.
Langan said. "They have flexibility to set proficiency levels,
but there are enough checks in place to make sure they cannot
game the system.
"So we reject the argument that states won't set and keep high
standards," he said.
The 600-page law, Mr. Bush's basic education initiative, was
passed with bipartisan backing four months after Sept. 11, 2001.
Many prominent Democrats, however, have since withdrawn their
support, including Representative Richard A. Gephardt of
Missouri, who recently described it as "a phony gimmick."
"We were all suckered into it," Mr. Gephardt said. "It's a
fraud."
Four United States senators are backing a bill that would
allow states to obtain waivers from the law's requirements, and
legislators in Minnesota, New Hampshire and Hawaii are
considering proposals for those states to opt out of it. That
would put at risk millions of dollars in federal financing, but
could allow the states to avoid the costs of compliance.
In a report this month, the General Accounting Office
estimated that states would have to spend $1.9 billion to $5.3
billion to develop and administer the new tests the law requires.
State and federal officials disagree as to whether Congress has
appropriated enough money to help the states meet those
costs.
Richard F. Elmore, an education professor at Harvard, writing
in the spring issue of the newsletter Education Next, called the
law "the single largest, and the single most damaging, expansion
of federal power over the nation's education system in
history."
Mr. Langan, the Education Department spokesman, again
disagreed. "This law appropriately identifies education as a
national priority, and we believe it values and respects local
control and autonomy," he said.
A feature of the law that even many critics praise is its
promotion of learning by minority and other students whose
achievement has lagged. It requires states to publish those
groups' test scores separately, and imposes sanctions on schools
if the scores of any group fail to meet annual targets two years
in a row.
But many educators question whether schools can meet the
requirement to raise all students' scores to 100 percent
proficiency by 2014, and some states' plans appear intended to
buy time.
Ohio, for instance, vowed to raise the percentage of students
who pass statewide tests to 60 percent from 40 percent in six
years, an average annual gain of 3.3 percentage points. But
starting in 2010, it pledged to raise the percentage to 100
percent from 60 percent in just four years, an average annual
gain of 10 percentage points, which some educators said would
require a near miracle.
Mr. Finn compared Ohio's approach to a balloon mortgage in
which a home buyer pays low interest in early years, but later
faces soaring, unpayable rates.
Mitchell Chester, an assistant superintendent in the Ohio
Education Department, defended the state's timetable, saying in
an interview that Ohio needed the next few years both to raise
the achievement of minority and other low-performing children to
the other students' starting point of 40 percent proficiency, and
to "re-engineer" instruction with a more ambitious curriculum and
more teacher training. Very rapid progress in achievement will be
possible thereafter, Mr. Chester said.
Dr. Linn outlined another interpretation in a recent speech to
educational researchers. Ohio and other states face a huge
challenge "to get through the first years without placing an
overwhelming number of schools in the improvement category," he
said. "Buying time allows for the possibility that the law will
be modified to make progress targets more realistically
achievable. The Ohio plan is, in my view, a creative way of doing
that."
Texas's plans for compliance with the law are of special
interest because Mr. Bush drew heavily on his record of raising
test scores there to sell the federal law to Congress.
But experts have criticized the test used throughout Mr.
Bush's governorship as too easy; far easier, for instance, than
New York's Regents exam. Partly in response, Texas developed a
new, more rigorous test, the Texas Assessment of Knowledge and
Skills. It fell to the Texas State Board last fall to decide how
many questions students would have to answer correctly to pass
it.
The stakes were high because starting this year, third graders
must pass the test to advance to fourth grade and also because if
thousands of students failed it, many schools might not meet the
federal law's requirement of adequate yearly progress, Criss
Cloudt, an associate commissioner at the Texas Education Agency,
said in an interview.
"We were trying to avoid that in the same year in which we
ratchet up our targets for No Child Left Behind, we would at the
same time greatly increase what we expected of students on the
test," Ms. Cloudt said, "because that combination was likely to
cause a dramatic increase in schools not meeting adequate yearly
progress."
Copyright 2003 The New York Times Company
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