Full U.S. Control Planned
for Iraq
Washington Post
By Karen DeYoung and Peter Slevin
Washington Post Staff Writers
Friday, February 21, 2003; Page A01
The Bush administration plans to take complete, unilateral
control of a post-Saddam Hussein Iraq, with an interim
administration headed by a yet-to-be named American civilian who
would direct the reconstruction of the country and the creation
of a "representative" Iraqi government, according to a
now-finalized blueprint described by U.S. officials and other
sources.
Gen. Tommy Franks, the head of the U.S. Central Command, is to
maintain military control as long as U.S. troops are there. Once
security was established and weapons of mass destruction were
located and disabled, a U.S. administrator would run the civilian
government and direct reconstruction and humanitarian aid.
In the early days of military action, U.S. forces following
behind those in combat would distribute food and other relief
items and begin needed reconstruction. The goal, officials said,
would be to make sure the Iraqi people "immediately" consider
themselves better off than they were the day before war, and
attribute their improved circumstances directly to the United
States.
The initial humanitarian effort, as previously announced, is
to be directed by retired Army Lt. Gen. Jay M. Garner. But once
he got to Baghdad, sources said, Garner would quickly be replaced
as the supreme civil authority by an American "of stature," such
as a former U.S. state governor or ambassador, officials
said.
Officials said other governments are being recruited to
participate in relief and reconstruction tasks under U.S.
supervision at a time to be decided by Franks and officials in
Washington. Although initial food supplies are to be provided by
the United States, negotiations are underway with the U.N. World
Food Program to administer a nationwide distribution network
Opposition leaders were informed this week that the United States
will not recognize an Iraqi provisional government being
discussed by some expatriate groups. Some 20 to 25 Iraqis would
assist U.S. authorities in a U.S.-appointed "consultative
council," with no governing responsibility. Under a decision
finalized last week, Iraqi government officials would be
subjected to "de-Baathification," a reference to Hussein's ruling
Baath Party, under a program that borrows from the
"de-Nazification" program established in Germany after World War
II.
Criteria by which officials would be designated as too tainted
to keep their jobs are still being worked on, although they would
likely be based more on complicity with the human rights and
weapons abuses of the Hussein government than corruption,
officials said. A large number of current officials would be
retained.
Although some of the broad strokes of U.S. plans for a
post-Hussein Iraq have previously been reported, newly finalized
elements include the extent of U.S. control and the plan to
appoint a nonmilitary civil administrator. Officials cautioned
that developments in Iraq could lead them to revise the plan on
the run. Yet to be decided is "at what point and for what
purpose" a multinational administration, perhaps run by the
United Nations, would be considered to replace the U.S. civil
authority.
"We have a load of plans that could be carried out by an
international group, a coalition group, or by us and a few
others," one senior U.S. official. President Bush, the official
said, doesn't want to close options until the participants in a
military action are known and the actual postwar situation in
Iraq becomes clear.
The administration has been under strong pressure to
demonstrate that it has a detailed program to deal with what is
expected to be a chaotic and dangerous situation if Hussein is
removed. The White House plans to brief Congress and reporters on
more details of the plan next week.
No definitive price tag or time limit has been put on the
plan, and officials stressed that much remains unknown about the
length of a potential conflict, how much destruction would
result, and "how deep" the corruption of the Iraqi government
goes. The administration has declined to estimate how long U.S.
forces would remain in Iraq. Undersecretary of State Marc
Grossman told Congress last week that it might be two years
before the Iraqis regained administrative control of their
country. But "they're terrified of being caught in a time frame,"
said retired Army Gen. Barry R. McCaffrey, one of a number of
senior military and civilian experts who have been briefed by the
Pentagon on the plan. "My own view is that it will take five
years, with substantial military power, to establish and exploit
the peace" in Iraq.
Although more than 180,000 U.S. troops are on the ground in
the Persian Gulf region, U.S. officials continued to emphasize
that President Bush still has not made a final decision on
whether to go to war. Negotiations at the United Nations, where
Bush is seeking a new Security Council resolution declaring that
Hussein has violated U.N. disarmament demands and authorizing
that he be disarmed by a U.N. multinational force, are at a
delicate stage.
A majority of the council's 15 members have said they believe
a decision on war should be delayed while U.N. weapons
inspections, launched in November, continue. Bush has said that,
if necessary, the U.S. military and a "coalition of the willing"
will disarm Iraq without U.N. approval.
The administration also is continuing discussions with Arab
governments about the possibilities of exile for Hussein and
several dozen of his family members and top officials. Sources
said, however, that even if Hussein and a small group of others
were to leave, uncertainties about who would remain in charge,
the need to destroy weapons of mass destruction, and concerns
about establishing long-term stability would likely lead to the
insertion of U.S. troops there in any case.
Among the other parts of the post-Hussein plan:
Iraqi military forces would be gathered in
prisoner-of-war camps, with opposition members now receiving U.S.
training at an air base in Hungary serving as part of the guard
force. The Iraqi troops would be vetted by U.S. forces under
Franks's command, and those who were cleared, beginning with
those who "stood down or switched sides" during a U.S. assault,
would receive U.S. training to serve in what one official called
a "post-stabilization" force.
U.S. forces would secure any weapons of mass destruction that
were found, including biological and chemical weapons stores. "At
an appropriate time," an official said, the United Nations
Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission and the
International Atomic Energy Agency, who are conducting
U.N.-mandated weapons inspections in Iraq, might be brought in to
examine weaponry, scientists and documentation.
In addition to the consultative council, an Iraqi commission
would be formed to reestablish a judicial system. An additional
commission would write a new constitution, although officials
emphasized that they would not expect to "democratize" Iraq along
the lines of the U.S. governing system. Instead, they speak of a
"representative Iraqi government."
Officials said the decision to install U.S. military and
civilian administrations for an indeterminate time stems from
lessons learned in Afghanistan, where power has been diffused
among U.S. military forces still waging war against the remnants
of the Taliban and al Qaeda, a multinational security force of
several thousand troops in which the United States does not
participate, and the interim government of Afghan President Hamid
Karzai.
The administration is particularly keen on averting
interference by other regional powers, and cites the "ability of
people like the Iranians and others to go in with money and
create warlords" sympathetic to their own interests, one official
said. "We don't want a weak federal government that plays into
the hands of regional powers" and allows Iraq to be divided into
de facto spheres of influence. "We don't want the Iranians to be
paying the Shiites, the Turks the Turkmen and the Saudis the
Sunnis," the official, referring to some of the main groups among
dozens of Iraqi tribes and ethnic and religious groups.
A similar anxiety led to the decision to prohibit the Iraqi
opposition based outside the country from forming a provisional
government. The chief proponent of that idea, Ahmed Chalabi, head
of the Iraqi National Congress, was informed this week that any
move to declare a provisional Iraqi government "would result in a
formal break in the U.S.-INC relationship," the official
said.
© 2003 The Washington Post Company
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