Bush's coup in Venezuela
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An Impeachable Offense
Yahoo.com/New York Times
CHRISTOPHER MARQUIS The New York Times
WASHINGTON, April 15 — Senior members of the Bush
administration met several times in recent months with leaders of
a coalition that ousted the Venezuelan president, Hugo
Chávez, for two days last weekend, and agreed with them
that he should be removed from office, administration officials
said today.
But administration officials gave conflicting accounts of what
the United States told those opponents of Mr. Chávez about
acceptable ways of ousting him.
One senior official involved in the discussions insisted that
the Venezuelans use constitutional means, like a referendum, to
effect an overthrow.
"They came here to complain," the official said, referring to
the anti-Chávez group. "Our message was very clear: there
are constitutional processes. We did not even wink at
anyone."
But a Defense Department official who is involved in the
development of policy toward Venezuela said the administration's
message was less categorical.
"We were not discouraging people," the official said. "We were
sending informal, subtle signals that we don't like this guy. We
didn't say, `No, don't you dare,' and we weren't advocates
saying, `Here's some arms; we'll help you overthrow this guy.' We
were not doing that."
The disclosures come as rights advocates, Latin American
diplomats and others accuse the administration of having turned a
blind eye to coup plotting activities, or even encouraged the
people who temporarily removed Mr. Chávez. Such actions
would place the United States at odds with its fellow members of
the Organization of American States, whose charter condemns the
overthrow of democratically elected governments.
In the immediate aftermath of the ouster, the White House
spokesman, Ari Fleischer (news - web sites), suggested that the
administration was pleased that Mr. Chávez was gone. "The
government suppressed what was a peaceful demonstration of the
people," Mr. Fleischer said, which "led very quickly to a
combustible situation in which Chávez resigned."
That statement contrasted with a clear stand by other nations
in the hemisphere, which all condemned the removal of a
democratically elected leader.
Mr. Chávez has made himself very unpopular with the
Bush administration with his pro-Cuban stance and mouthing of
revolutionary slogans — and, most recently, by threatening
the independence of Venezuela's state-owned oil company,
Petróleos de Venezuela, the third-largest foreign supplier
of American oil.
Whether or not the administration knew about the pending
action against Mr. Chávez, critics note that it was slow
to condemn the overthrow and that it still refuses to acknowledge
that a coup even took place.
One result, according to the critics, is that in its zeal to
rid itself of Mr. Chávez, the administration has damaged
its credibility as a chief defender of democratically elected
governments. And even though they deny having encouraged Mr.
Chávez's ouster, administration officials did not hide
their dismay at his restoration.
Asked whether the administration now recognizes Mr.
Chávez as Venezuela's legitimate president, one
administration official replied, "He was democratically elected,"
then added, "Legitimacy is something that is conferred not just
by a majority of the voters, however."
A senior administration official said today that the
anti-Chávez group had not asked for American backing and
that none had been offered. Still, one American diplomat said,
Mr. Chávez was so distressed by his opponents' lobbying in
Washington that he sent officials from his government to plead
his case there.
Mr. Chávez returned to power on Sunday, after two days.
The Bush administration swiftly laid the blame for the episode on
him, pointing out that troops loyal to him had fired on unarmed
civilians and wounded more than 100 demonstrators.
Mr. Fleischer, the White House spokesman, stuck to that
approach today, saying Mr. Chávez should heed the message
of his opponents and reach out to "all the democratic forces in
Venezuela."
"The people of Venezuela have sent a clear message to
President Chávez that they want both democracy and
reform," he said. "The Chávez administration has an
opportunity to respond to this message by correcting its course
and governing in a fully democratic manner."
On Sunday, President Bush (news - web sites)'s national
security adviser, Condoleezza Rice (news - web sites), expressed
hopes that Mr. Chávez would deal with his opponents in a
less "highhanded fashion."
But to some critics, it was the Bush administration that had
displayed arrogance in initially bucking the tide of
international condemnation of the action against Mr. Chavez, who
was democratically elected in 1998.
Arturo Valenzuela, the Latin America national security aide in
the Clinton administration, accused the Bush administration of
running roughshod over more than a decade of treaties and
agreements for the collective defense of democracy. Since 1990,
the United States has repeatedly invoked those agreements at the
Organization of American States to help restore democratic rule
in such countries as Haiti, Guatemala and Peru.
Mr. Valenzuela, who now heads the Latin American studies
department at Georgetown University here, warned that the nations
in the region might view the administration's tepid support of
Venezuelan democracy as a green light to return to 1960's and
1970's, when power was transferred from coup to coup.
"I think it's a very negative development for the principle of
constitutional government in Latin America," Mr. Valenzuela said.
"I think it's going to come back and haunt all of us."
Administration officials insist that they are firmly behind
efforts at the Organization of American States to determine what
happened in Venezuela and restore democratic rule. The secretary
general of the O.A.S., César Gaviria, left today for
Caracas, the Venezuelan capital, and the organization is
scheduled to meet in Washington on Thursday.
Still, critics say, there were several signs that the
administration was too quick to rally around the businessman
Pedro Carmona Estanga as Mr. Chávez's successor.
One Democratic foreign policy aide complained that the
administration, in phone calls to Congress on Friday, reported
that Mr. Chávez had resigned, even though officials now
concede that they had no evidence of that.
And on Saturday, the administration supported an O.A.S.
resolution condemning "the alteration of constitutional order in
Venezuela" only after learning that Mr. Chávez had
regained control, Latin American diplomats said.
One official said political hard-liners in the administration
might have "gone overboard" in proclaiming Mr. Chávez's
ouster before the dust settled.
The official said there were competing impulses within the
administration, signaling a disagreement on the extent of trouble
posed by Mr. Chávez, who has thumbed his nose at American
officials by maintaining ties with Cuba, Libya and Iraq.
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