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The Progressive Case
for Howard Dean
AlterNet
By Nico Pitney
August 12, 2003
I passionately supported the Greens in 2000 and 2002. I
traveled 125 miles to see Dennis Kucinich speak when he came to
Los Angeles in May, and had the pleasure of introducing him to a
crowd of several hundred when he visited Santa Barbara recently.
Kucinich is a guiding light in Congress and, of the nine
Democratic presidential contenders, his views most closely mirror
my own.
Yet I won't be voting for Kucinich in the Democratic
primaries, nor will I vote Green in the general elections. My
support will go to Howard Dean.
Yes, I've read the unfavorable commentaries on Howard Dean by
writers whose opinions I greatly respect, like Norman Solomon and
Alexander Cockburn. And yes, I know that I disagree with some
critical components of Dean's platform. Progressives should be
well aware that they're going to disagree on a range of issues
with every individual who has a chance at being in the White
House two years from now. Our choice is not between Howard Dean
and the-even-better-candidate who-has-a-shot-at-winning
the-Democratic-nomination and-defeating-George-Bush; that other
candidate doesn't exist. Neither Kucinich nor Al Sharpton nor
Carol Moseley Braun nor any Green will be President. Progressives
should incorporate these realities into their electoral strategy,
however disappointing they may be.
In a recent column, Norman Solomon criticizes "liberal
Democrats [who] routinely sacrifice principles and idealism in
the name of electoral strategy," and then argues that Greens are
practicing the reverse strategy – "principled idealism"
without a coherent electoral strategy. But in the same column he
remarks, "Few present-day Green Party leaders seem willing to
urge that Greens forego the blandishments of a presidential
campaign. The increased attention – including media
coverage – for the party is too compelling to pass up." If
this latter analysis is accurate, the impetus to run a Green
presidential candidate has come not from principled idealism but
a rather inconsiderate self-indulgence.
In any case, the role of ideals in the voting booth is hazy.
Voting Green isn't necessarily the most effective way to achieve
Green policies. More importantly, supporting and voting for
Democratic candidates is in no way a personal affirmation of the
Democratic Party platform. It is, in part, a recognition of
Duverger's Law – one of the few reliable "laws" in the
social sciences – which states that American-style,
winner-take-all, plurality voting systems produce political
structures intractably dominated by two parties. Moreover, it is
a recognition that the Democratic Party is simply one network
among many (albeit an incredibly powerful one) through which
those seeking fundamental political change in the United States
can act. Progressives ought to engage the Democratic Party in the
same way that we engage any powerful institution; we should
creatively test the limits of reform and attempt to produce
change that will assist us in our own wider struggles.
The goal of progressives in the coming months, then, should be
to continue what we're doing now – organizing, developing
alternative social, economic, and environmental programs, and
working to raise the national profile of our allies in the public
sphere – while supporting Howard Dean and helping him win
the primary and general elections. We have to keep close in mind
what our country and our world will look like if George W. Bush's
administration captures another term and can carry out its agenda
without being restrained by reelection considerations. In what
will likely be the most divisive and bitterly contested
presidential election in decades, let's not use our precious
energy and resources on candidates with no chance of defeating
Bush. Rather, let's make sure to elect a candidate who, like
Dean, at least supports publicly financed elections, instant
run-off voting, and a constitutional amendment declaring that
political contributions are not free speech, so that we directly
strike at the structural stultification of our electoral system
that forces us to limit our choices in the first place.
Why, of the establishment candidates, should progressives
choose Dean? His platform is as good or better than those of Dick
Gephardt and John Kerry, the only other two candidates with a
hope at gaining the Democratic nod. Vastly more important,
however, is the fact that Dean's web-focused campaign has the
potential to revolutionize the way American politics operates,
and progressives ought to be taking note.
Unfortunately, most left-leaning commentators have written
about Dean as though their responsibility were to lead the
well-intentioned but misguided progressive flock away from his
campaign, implicitly and sometimes explicitly asserting that
supporters have jumped on Dean's bandwagon without seriously
considering his record. Antiwar.com's Anthony Gancarski
questioned whether "Dean supporters are following their candidate
blindly, without knowledge of the full spectrum of his
positions." Potential Green presidential candidate Carol Miller
told NBC News that she feels "sorry for those people [Dean's
supporters] when they learn who the real Howard Dean is."
Putting aside the presumptuousness of such sentiments, they're
also wildly ironic: The overwhelming majority of claims that Dean
is a far-left candidate come from conservatives who are clearly
attempting to marginalize one of the two prominent Democratic
candidates. Almost without exception, right-wing commentaries on
Dean compare his campaign to McGovern's and brand Dean as an
"extreme leftist" whose support is built predominantly on
activists' antiwar sentiment. Rush Limbaugh recently warned his
listeners about a shift he perceived in mainstream reports on
Dean: "Have you noticed how some in the press are starting to say
Howard Dean is not that liberal? Keep a sharp eye out for that,
because the left knows that being a far left, progressive liberal
is a killer, so they're going to try to paint the picture of Dean
as a moderate." Surprisingly enough, one of the few prominent
progressives to make a substantive link between Dean and Kucinich
was Ralph Nader, who noted that Bush "is very vulnerable but not
if you campaign the way the major candidates – except for
Dean and Kucinich – are campaigning."
There is, in fact, good reason to believe that progressive
supporters of Dean are well aware of his record, and are choosing
to support him despite its flaws. As American Prospect senior
editor Garance Franke-Ruta points out, "the most important part
of the Dean message is that it makes [supporters] feel that they
have the power to control their own destiny. ... This sense of
renewed personal power and hope seemed more important to most
posters [to Dean's weblog] than any specific policies that Dean
supports or does not support, and few on the threads agreed
wholeheartedly with the former governor on all his positions.
Most recognized that he is a centrist who is fiscally
conservative and socially liberal."
Critically, Dean's progressive supporters share a visceral
passion to purge the White House of George Bush and his dangerous
administration. They seem to agree with Bernard Weiner of the
Crisis Papers, who admits that "from a long-term historical
perspective, the Democrats and Republicans look and behave
virtually alike. But in the real world, where most people live,
there is just enough of a difference to justify a vote for a
reasonable Democratic candidate for President. One's sense of
personal 'purity' might be slightly compromised by voting for the
Democratic candidate and thus helping to perpetuate a system that
is not as uncorrupted as we would all like. But I don't think we
can afford that self-involved luxury in 2004; this election
decision is simply too vital, a matter of life and death for so
many around the world."
This all said, the weaknesses in Dean's platform must be
accounted for and seriously assessed.
Dealing With Dean's Downsides
Military Spending: Dean has rightfully aroused anger and
skepticism from progressives with his claims that he will not
reduce military spending. It appears, however, that these
statements are a political dodge of sorts to avoid media
characterizations of Dean as the "antiwar candidate" and "weak on
national security." Dean has told audiences that he would not
reduce military spending but rather "redirect" it toward the
development and implementation of renewable energy technology (an
issue he ties to defense), homeland security measures to fund
local first responders, inspect container ships and protect
nuclear sites (a move that Alexander Cockburn himself recently
called on Bush to make), and the purchase of old nuclear
materials in Russia.
Military/Foreign Policy: Dean has called Bush's policy of
renewed nuclear weapons development "insane" and opposes every
significant component of "Star Wars" missile defense, declaring
that any missile defense programs he would support will at least
remain in compliance with the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty.
Dean also supports (with provisions, in some cases) the
comprehensive nuclear test ban, the Law of the Sea Treaty, the
Biological Warfare Convention Protocol and the International
Criminal Court (a website for the United Nations Association of
the United States lists Dean as an "outspoken supporter" of the
ICC). Dean supports signing the 1997 Landmine Treaty and believes
that a similar treaty should be used to ban cluster bombs.
Norman Solomon mistakenly took Dean to task because "at his
official campaign kickoff, Dean gave a 26-minute speech and
didn't mention Iraq at all. It was a remarkable performance from
someone who has spent much of the last year pitching himself as
some kind of antiwar candidate." Despite the strength of this
rebuke, Solomon failed to mention that Dean's speech contained
nine paragraphs dealing with foreign policy, and that far from
avoiding Iraq, Dean used the Iraq invasion to address a broader
theme. Among other things, Dean declared: "Since the time of
Thomas Paine and John Adams, our founders implored that we were
not to be the new Rome. We are not to conquer and suppress other
nations to submit to our will. ... We must rejoin the world
community. America is far stronger as the moral and military
leader of the world than we will ever be by relying solely on
military power. ... [T]here is a fundamental difference between
the defense of our nation and the doctrine of preemptive war
espoused by this administration. The President's group of
narrow-minded ideological advisors are undermining our nation's
greatness in the world. They have embraced a form of
unilateralism that is even more dangerous than isolationism. ...
[T]hey would present our face to the world as a dominant power
prepared to push aside any nation with which we do not agree."
Since the speech, Dean has consistently spoken out on Iraq and
many of the occupation policies. He has called on Bush
administration officials to resign for misleading the American
public, and continues to criticize those Democrats who voted for
the Iraq resolution. He received significant critical press after
saying that "the ends don't justify the means," when asked about
the deaths of Saddam Hussein's sons. On Dean's official website,
one can find commentaries by campaign staffers like Ezra Klein
condemning Bush's policies that force young, poor Americans to
"fight and die in wars of choice."
Israel/Palestine: As Mid East analysts Ahmed Nassef and
Stephen Zunes have pointed out, Dean's positions regarding the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict are very disappointing for those who
seek a just and sustainable peace in the region. Unfortunately,
they're also standard amongst the Democratic presidential
hopefuls. All nine candidates essentially toe the same line: they
support a vague "two-state solution," the removal of settlements
(without details as to how many or when), and the cessation of
terrorism, and they concede that further details will have to be
worked out by the relevant parties. JTA, a Jewish news service,
recently had a piece focusing on a hawkish Democratic fundraiser
named Peter Buttenwieser, who notes that the "litmus test for me
is a candidate has to be good on Israel. ... But all of these
candidates are good on Israel." This pattern is hardly new.
Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair wrote that Paul
Wellstone, "in common with ninety-eight other senators, [has
been] craven on Israel." Even Kucinich chose not to join nearly
two dozen fellow representatives in voting against a strongly
worded May 2003 House resolution that "supported Israel's
incursions into Palestinian territories, and apparently endorsed
as justifiable the brutality and bloodshed the Israeli Army
inflicted on the unarmed civilians there," according to prominent
English-language daily Arab News.
Trade: Dean has pledged to renegotiate current trade
agreements (including NAFTA) and oppose new trade agreements that
do not require the enforcement of internationally recognized
workers' rights and environmental standards. He will also "oppose
any further rounds of the World Trade Organization agreements
that do not make substantial progress on incorporating" these
rights and standards. When asked about policy toward Africa and
the Caribbean Basin at the NAACP Presidential Forum, Dean voiced
his support for debt forgiveness and remarked that "we need to
get the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank off the
backs of these countries. ... [T]he conditions that are attached
mean that the whole country depends on a free market system in
order to get food to the poorest people in that country. It
doesn't make any sense at all. ... [N]ow that we're imposing a
Western economic model on African countries, we find there's
famine. What a big surprise. We need to work cooperatively with
African governments instead of telling them what to do." Dean was
awarded the inaugural Paul Wellstone Award by the AFL-CIO in
January 2003 for "Exceptional Support of Workers' Freedom to Form
Unions," and maintained a 100% rating with the AFL-CIO's
Committee on Political Education while serving as a state
representative. He is also a vocal proponent of workplace
democratization, in which employees own the majority of a firm's
stock.
Death Penalty: John Kerry opposes capital punishment, while
Dean favors it for individuals who commit acts of terrorism or
who murder young children or police officers. One wonders,
though, whether Kerry's position is really preferable. He told
NBC's Tim Russert that he opposes the death penalty "because I'm
for a worse punishment. I think it is worse to take somebody and
put them in a small cell for the rest of their life, deprived of
their freedom, never to be paroled. Now, I think that's tougher.
... I don't think that – you know, dying is scary for a
while, but in the end, the punishment is gone," and he couples
his opposition with desires for harder prison service commitments
so we don't have "some cushy situation where they live off the
fat of the land in prison." Either way, it should be noted that
Dean did not "suddenly [abandon] his perfectly acceptable reasons
for opposing the death penalty ... to express his support for the
machinery of death – a transparent bid for votes in the
primary elections in southern states like South Carolina," as
Alan Maass of the International Socialist Review writes. It is
widely recognized that Dean's opinions on the death penalty began
changing in 1994 after the Polly Klaas murder, and statements by
Dean throughout his terms as Governor reflect this change in
thinking. Dean strongly supports the Innocence Protection Act and
has said that he will establish a Presidential commission to
"analyze the causes of wrongful convictions around the country
and recommend additional reforms at the federal and state
level."
Gun Legislation: The "A" rating that Dean has received from
the NRA is chilling, but it has to be taken in context. As Lance
Bukoff points out, "the NRA rating system is actually rather
'passive' in its assessment of politicians. Put simply but
accurately, an 'A' rating is 'earned' by not voting for or
promoting any laws which would restrict gun ownership. Dean
observes that Vermont is not NYC or LA or Philadelphia. Vermont
is a state where gun violence does not occur in any way
significant enough [in 2002, Vermont had five homicides] to
warrant restrictive gun control laws, unless you take the deer's
point of view, of course. So he says Vermont does not need them,
and he did not sign any, and he did not promote any as a
governor, and as a consequence he gets an 'A' rating from the
NRA, but not because he shares a duck blind with NRA members. He
goes further. He says he supports the Brady bill, he supports the
assault gun ban, and he supports closing the gun show sale
loopholes. And he also tells voters in states like New York, 'We
don't need gun control laws in Vermont, but you probably do, and
if that's the case you should make them.'"
Medicinal Marijuana: Dean's reputation as a hard-headed
skeptic of medicinal marijuana belies his actual position, which
is more nuanced (if a bit neurotic, presumably because of his
experience as a doctor). Dean doesn't "believe the war on drugs
is a criminal matter; it's a public health matter. I think to
throw users in jail is silly." He recently told the Liberal Oasis
that his "opposition to medical marijuana is based on science,
not based on ideology. More specifically, I don't think we should
single out a particular drug for approval through political means
when we approve other drugs through scientific means. When I'm
President, I will require the FDA to evaluate marijuana with a
double blind study with the same kinds of scientific protocols
that every other drug goes through. I'm certainly willing to
abide by what the FDA says." After resisting a medicinal
marijuana bill that had made its way through the Vermont
legislature for the reasons stated above, Dean eventually did
sign a bill in June 2002 that established a task force "to
investigate and assess options for legal protections which will
allow seriously ill Vermonters to use medical marijuana without
facing criminal prosecution under Vermont law." The Marijuana
Policy Project said the bill set "the wheels in motion for solid
patient protection."
The Environment: Dean's Vermont "has one of the most
progressive environmental programmes in America" according to the
London Times. As former Vermont radio and television talk show
host Jeff Kaufman points out, "During his decade in office,
Governor Dean helped protect more land from development than all
previous governors combined; ... he administered a 'best
practices' agriculture plan that preserves land and water
quality; he helped form the nation's first statewide energy
efficiency utility (preventing more than one million tons of
greenhouse gas emissions since 2000); and he championed a
commuter rail system to lower traffic congestion and pollution
while diminishing urban sprawl (in its last report on sprawl, the
Sierra Club ranked Vermont as the second best state in America
for land use planning)." Vermont also followed California's lead
in establishing regulations on greenhouse gas emissions that go
beyond standards set in the Kyoto Protocol. According to the New
York Times, Dean "is calling for the auto industry to build cars
that get 40 miles per gallon by 2015 and for 20 percent of the
nation's electricity to come from renewable sources by 2020. ...
[A]s president he would close the loophole that exempts sport
utility vehicles from gas-mileage standards, ... make the
Environmental Protection Agency cabinet level and work to
re-establish the Clinton administration rules limiting roads in
national forests." Even when Dean was judged less favorably on
environmental issues, the executive director of the Vermont
Natural Resources Council, Elizabeth Courtney, recognizes that
pressing economic circumstances impacted his decisions ("in the
early 90s the rest of the country seemed to be pulling out of the
recession and Vermont seemed to be languishing in it") and
acknowledges Dean's general qualities as governor: "fresh candor
and intelligence. You always know where Howard Dean stands. He is
candid and honest in his communications with Vermonters, and he
is appreciated for that. He's also very bright, and he has a
clear sense of his direction." The San Francisco Chronicle
reported that "[executive director of the Sierra Club Carl] Pope
said that although the Sierra Club had some disagreements with
Dean's land-use policies, Dean did 'fabulous things in
Vermont.'"
Fiscal Conservatism: It now seems that Dean's hardline fiscal
policies have paid some dividends. While virtually every state in
the nation cuts funding for vital social services, Vermont ended
the fiscal year with a $10.4 million General Fund surplus. For
this accomplishment, Stephen Klein, chief fiscal officer for the
current Vermont legislature, says that "Dean gets a large amount
of credit." But Dean isn't as fiscally conservative as was
suggested by Paul Wellstone's former press secretary Jim Farrell.
Farrell argued in The Nation that Dean "targeted for elimination
the public financing provision of the state's campaign finance
law," cut education spending, and proposed "deep cuts in
Medicaid." These claims are all true, but Farrell leaves out
critical details. Dean, who is a strong supporter of publicly
financed campaigns, used the money from the public financing fund
to help balance Vermont's budget only after a federal court judge
ruled that the spending limits provision in the campaign finance
law was unconstitutional, meaning that the fund would sit
untouched. Facing large state deficits, Dean proposed cuts in the
amount of state funds to education because "dramatic increases in
property values" already had produced an education fund that was
"flush to overflowing with money," according to the Associated
Press. The proposal to cut Medicaid was hardly serious; it was
made as a threat to force Vermont's legislature to pass a 75-cent
tax on tobacco products that Dean desired (the tax revenues
actually went to fund Medicaid), a move supported by Vermont's
PIRG and all of the state's major medical associations. Also,
Dean does not support raising the retirement age to 68 or 70.
Human Rights: Dean not only signed the first bill in the
United States recognizing civil unions for same-sex couples, but
did it six months before his gubernatorial election when it was
opposed by two-thirds of Vermont's population. According to the
National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, Dean differs from top-ranked
Kucinich and Braun only on the issue of gay marriage, and is
unique among top-tier Democrats in supporting federally-enforced
equal rights legislation and GLBT-supportive education policies
(Kerry and Gephardt only support state-based civil union
legislation and both voted for "an amendment to the Improving
America's Schools Act prohibiting federal funds 'for
instructional materials, instruction, counseling, or other
services on school grounds, from being used for the promotion of
homosexuality as a positive lifestyle alternative'").
Dean, who sat on the board of Planned Parenthood of Northern
New England for five years, is perhaps the strongest Democratic
candidate in regard to abortion rights. The New Republic's
coverage of a presidential forum on abortion rights mentioned
that "Dean took partial-birth abortion, NARAL's most
controversial and difficult-to-defend position, and made it the
centerpiece of his speech, insisting that the term itself was an
artifice manufactured by the right. 'This is an issue about
nothing,' he proclaimed to the most boisterous applause of the
evening." Dean strongly opposes parental notification and
implemented a program in Vermont that provides specialized child
care, health services and home visitation to all families,
regardless of income. He wants to sign the UN's 1979 Convention
on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women
and ratify the 1989 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.
Apart from his platform and its flaws, however, Dean should be
commended by progressives for accomplishing what social justice
movements so often work toward and only rarely achieve –
his campaign is creatively utilizing the internet to facilitate
large-scale independent organizing, and drawing significant
numbers of new and disillusioned voters into the political
process, getting many of them to contribute their time and energy
away from the computer screen.
Dean's campaign has developed an infrastructure to support
grassroots activism unmatched by any in American history. The
uniquely interactive nature of the campaign "creates, embraces,
enhances, validates, and rewards intimacy," as one supporter
wrote on the campaign's weblog. Dean has dropped in on threads
and message boards at unofficial websites set up by supporters
and fielded any questions that were asked of him. Author David
Weinberger, commenting on Dean's guest-blogging at Stanford law
professor Larry Lessig's website, asked, "Has any presidential
candidate ever in history been dropped into a free-for-all quite
like this? Could it be any more different than Bush's scripted
press conferences and tailored, crotch-enhancing photo opps?
Democracy just got a little real-er." Even some establishment
commentators recognize the fundamental reforms being rushed in by
Dean's campaign. Dick Morris, hardly cheering on such changes,
recently argued that the "larger message of the Dean candidacy is
that the era of TV-dominated politics is coming to a close after
30 years. ... [T]he inevitable replacement of television with the
Internet as the fundamental tool of political communication is
destined to accelerate. The true answer to campaign-finance
reform, the Internet will open a real possibility of a transfer
of power to the people."
Dean has also demonstrated an impressive ability to draw
supporters from diverse backgrounds. From the
politically-marginalized to the politically-uninitiated, from
registered independents (who have set up personal websites to
help bring new independents into the fold) to McCain and Perot
supporters upset with Bush's accelerated neo-imperialism and
cultural conservatism (who have a website of their own), Dean's
message is resonating widely. According to the progressive youth
mag Wiretap, every campaign's "youth outreach efforts were
routine and shallow" except for Dean's, which is far larger and
designed so that youth "are not just a passive audience for
campaign speeches, but enlisted as community organizers"
addressing issues beyond Dean's campaign, like Bush's attack on
the Teach for America program. In polls, Dean frequently leads
his fellow Democrats by wide margins amongst independent voters
and men, who are typically more likely to vote conservative. This
information is fantastic for folks who support Dean but wonder
about his electability. It's also great news for progressives in
general, who should be clammoring to draw such a
politically-diverse group of individuals into left-leaning
web-based political activism. The internet is the progressives'
optimal playing field: decentralized, free of the constraints of
the mass media, perfect for alternative information dissemination
and mass organizing. Individuals who are drawn to Dean's blogs
and mailing lists can be introduced to the various and sundry
sites providing news, op-eds, and activism opportunities for
progressives.
"Patience and fortitude conquer all things," wrote Ralph Waldo
Emerson. In pressing times, progressives have demonstrated great
fortitude by committing themselves to institutions and social
movements that addressed injustices theretofore neglected. Howard
Dean is no holy grail, but amidst a trend in our country toward
widespread political ignorance and a sort of corporatized
proto-fascist nationalism, perhaps it is our patience that is
needed now. What we have in Dean is a man who can articulate
liberal positions intelligently, passionately, and commandingly,
and who has the grassroots/netroots support and an appeal to
diverse constituencies that will allow him to defeat George Bush.
Let's join Dean's campaign, get on his e-mail lists, and spread
the word.
Nico Pitney is a student activist based in southern
California
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