Al Gore's Speech to
MoveOn.org
Move On.org
Al Gore
August 07, 2003
Former Vice President Al Gore
Remarks to MoveOn.org
New York University
August 7, 2003
-AS PREPARED-
Ladies and Gentlemen:
Thank you for your investment of time and energy in gathering
here today. I would especially like to thank Moveon.org for
sponsoring this event, and the NYU College Democrats for
co-sponsoring the speech and for hosting us.
Some of you may remember that my last formal public address on
these topics was delivered in San Francisco, a little less than a
year ago, when I argued that the President's case for urgent,
unilateral, pre-emptive war in Iraq was less than convincing and
needed to be challenged more effectively by the Congress.
In light of developments since then, you might assume that my
purpose today is to revisit the manner in which we were led into
war. To some extent, that will be the case - but only as part of
a larger theme that I feel should now be explored on an urgent
basis.
The direction in which our nation is being led is deeply
troubling to me -- not only in Iraq but also here at home on
economic policy, social policy and environmental policy.
Millions of Americans now share a feeling that something
pretty basic has gone wrong in our country and that some
important American values are being placed at risk. And they want
to set it right.
The way we went to war in Iraq illustrates this larger
problem. Normally, we Americans lay the facts on the table, talk
through the choices before us and make a decision. But that
didn't really happen with this war -- not the way it should have.
And as a result, too many of our soldiers are paying the highest
price, for the strategic miscalculations, serious misjudgments,
and historic mistakes that have put them and our nation in harm's
way.
I'm convinced that one of the reasons that we didn't have a
better public debate before the Iraq War started is because so
many of the impressions that the majority of the country had back
then turn out to have been completely wrong. Leaving aside for
the moment the question of how these false impressions got into
the public's mind, it might be healthy to take a hard look at the
ones we now know were wrong and clear the air so that we can
better see exactly where we are now and what changes might need
to be made.
In any case, what we now know to have been false impressions
include the following:
(1) Saddam Hussein was partly responsible for the attack
against us on September 11th, 2001, so a good way to respond to
that attack would be to invade his country and forcibly remove
him from power.
(2) Saddam was working closely with Osama Bin Laden and was
actively supporting members of the Al Qaeda terrorist group,
giving them weapons and money and bases and training, so
launching a war against Iraq would be a good way to stop Al Qaeda
from attacking us again.
(3) Saddam was about to give the terrorists poison gas and
deadly germs that he had made into weapons which they could use
to kill millions of Americans. Therefore common sense alone
dictated that we should send our military into Iraq in order to
protect our loved ones and ourselves against a grave threat.
(4) Saddam was on the verge of building nuclear bombs and
giving them to the terrorists. And since the only thing
preventing Saddam from acquiring a nuclear arsenal was access to
enriched uranium, once our spies found out that he had bought the
enrichment technology he needed and was actively trying to buy
uranium from Africa, we had very little time left. Therefore it
seemed imperative during last Fall's election campaign to set
aside less urgent issues like the economy and instead focus on
the congressional resolution approving war against Iraq.
(5) Our GI's would be welcomed with open arms by cheering
Iraqis who would help them quickly establish public safety, free
markets and Representative Democracy, so there wouldn't be that
much risk that US soldiers would get bogged down in a guerrilla
war.
(6) Even though the rest of the world was mostly opposed to
the war, they would quickly fall in line after we won and then
contribute lots of money and soldiers to help out, so there
wouldn't be that much risk that US taxpayers would get stuck with
a huge bill.
Now, of course, everybody knows that every single one of these
impressions was just dead wrong.
For example, according to the just-released Congressional
investigation, Saddam had nothing whatsoever to do with the
attacks of Sept. 11. Therefore, whatever other goals it served --
and it did serve some other goals -- the decision to invade Iraq
made no sense as a way of exacting revenge for 9/11. To the
contrary, the US pulled significant intelligence resources out of
Pakistan and Afghanistan in order to get ready for the rushed
invasion of Iraq and that disrupted the search for Osama at a
critical time. And the indifference we showed to the rest of the
world's opinion in the process undermined the global cooperation
we need to win the war against terrorism.
In the same way, the evidence now shows clearly that Saddam
did not want to work with Osama Bin Laden at all, much less give
him weapons of mass destruction. So our invasion of Iraq had no
effect on Al Qaeda, other than to boost their recruiting
efforts.
And on the nuclear issue of course, it turned out that those
documents were actually forged by somebody -- though we don't
know who.
As for the cheering Iraqi crowds we anticipated,
unfortunately, that didn't pan out either, so now our troops are
in an ugly and dangerous situation.
Moreover, the rest of the world certainly isn't jumping in to
help out very much the way we expected, so US taxpayers are now
having to spend a billion dollars a week.
In other words, when you put it all together, it was just one
mistaken impression after another. Lots of them.
And it's not just in foreign policy. The same thing has been
happening in economic policy, where we've also got another huge
and threatening mess on our hands. I'm convinced that one reason
we've had so many nasty surprises in our economy is that the
country somehow got lots of false impressions about what we could
expect from the big tax cuts that were enacted, including:
(1) The tax cuts would unleash a lot of new investment that
would create lots of new jobs.
(2) We wouldn't have to worry about a return to big budget
deficits -- because all the new growth in the economy caused by
the tax cuts would lead to a lot of new revenue.
(3) Most of the benefits would go to average middle-income
families, not to the wealthy, as some partisans claimed.
Unfortunately, here too, every single one of these impressions
turned out to be wrong. Instead of creating jobs, for example, we
are losing millions of jobs -- net losses for three years in a
row. That hasn't happened since the Great Depression. As I've
noted before, I was the first one laid off.
And it turns out that most of the benefits actually are going
to the highest income Americans, who unfortunately are the least
likely group to spend money in ways that create jobs during times
when the economy is weak and unemployment is rising.
And of course the budget deficits are already the biggest ever
- with the worst still due to hit us. As a percentage of our
economy, we've had bigger ones -- but these are by far the most
dangerous we've ever had for two reasons: first, they're not
temporary; they're structural and long-term; second, they are
going to get even bigger just at the time when the big
baby-boomer retirement surge starts.
Moreover, the global capital markets have begun to recognize
the unprecedented size of this emerging fiscal catastrophe. In
truth, the current Executive Branch of the U.S. Government is
radically different from any since the McKinley Administration
100 years ago.
The 2001 winner of the Nobel Prize for Economics, George
Akerlof, went even further last week in Germany when he told Der
Spiegel, "This is the worst government the US has ever had in its
more than 200 years of history...This is not normal government
policy." In describing the impact of the Bush policies on
America's future, Akerloff added, "What we have here is a form of
looting."
Ominously, the capital markets have just pushed U.S. long-term
mortgage rates higher soon after the Federal Reserve Board once
again reduced discount rates. Monetary policy loses some of its
potency when fiscal policy comes unglued. And after three years
of rate cuts in a row, Alan Greenspan and his colleagues simply
don't have much room left for further reductions.
This situation is particularly dangerous right now for several
reasons: first because home-buying fueled by low rates (along
with car-buying, also a rate-sensitive industry) have been just
about the only reliable engines pulling the economy forward;
second, because so many Americans now have Variable Rate
Mortgages; and third, because average personal debt is now at an
all-time high -- a lot of Americans are living on the edge.
It seems obvious that big and important issues like the Bush
economic policy and the first Pre-emptive War in U.S. history
should have been debated more thoroughly in the Congress, covered
more extensively in the news media, and better presented to the
American people before our nation made such fateful choices. But
that didn't happen, and in both cases, reality is turning out to
be very different from the impression that was given when the
votes -- and the die -- were cast.
Since this curious mismatch between myth and reality has
suddenly become commonplace and is causing such extreme
difficulty for the nation's ability to make good choices about
our future, maybe it is time to focus on how in the world we
could have gotten so many false impressions in such a short
period of time.
At first, I thought maybe the President's advisers were a big
part of the problem. Last fall, in a speech on economic policy at
the Brookings Institution, I called on the President to get rid
of his whole economic team and pick a new group. And a few weeks
later, damned if he didn't do just that - and at least one of the
new advisers had written eloquently about the very problems in
the Bush economic policy that I was calling upon the President to
fix.
But now, a year later, we still have the same bad economic
policies and the problems have, if anything, gotten worse. So
obviously I was wrong: changing all the president's advisers
didn't work as a way of changing the policy.
I remembered all that last month when everybody was looking
for who ought to be held responsible for the false statements in
the President's State of the Union Address. And I've just about
concluded that the real problem may be the President himself and
that next year we ought to fire him and get a new one.
But whether you agree with that conclusion or not, whether
you're a Democrat or a Republican -- or an Independent, a
Libertarian, a Green or a Mugwump -- you've got a big stake in
making sure that Representative Democracy works the way it is
supposed to. And today, it just isn't working very well. We all
need to figure out how to fix it because we simply cannot keep on
making such bad decisions on the basis of false impressions and
mistaken assumptions.
Earlier, I mentioned the feeling many have that something
basic has gone wrong. Whatever it is, I think it has a lot to do
with the way we seek the truth and try in good faith to use facts
as the basis for debates about our future -- allowing for the
unavoidable tendency we all have to get swept up in our
enthusiasms.
That last point is worth highlighting. Robust debate in a
democracy will almost always involve occasional rhetorical
excesses and leaps of faith, and we're all used to that. I've
even been guilty of it myself on occasion. But there is a big
difference between that and a systematic effort to manipulate
facts in service to a totalistic ideology that is felt to be more
important than the mandates of basic honesty.
Unfortunately, I think it is no longer possible to avoid the
conclusion that what the country is dealing with in the Bush
Presidency is the latter. That is really the nub of the problem
-- the common source for most of the false impressions that have
been frustrating the normal and healthy workings of our
democracy.
Americans have always believed that we the people have a right
to know the truth and that the truth will set us free. The very
idea of self-government depends upon honest and open debate as
the preferred method for pursuing the truth -- and a shared
respect for the Rule of Reason as the best way to establish the
truth.
The Bush Administration routinely shows disrespect for that
whole basic process, and I think it's partly because they feel as
if they already know the truth and aren't very curious to learn
about any facts that might contradict it. They and the members of
groups that belong to their ideological coalition are true
believers in each other's agendas.
There are at least a couple of problems with this
approach:
First, powerful and wealthy groups and individuals who work
their way into the inner circle -- with political support or
large campaign contributions -- are able to add their own narrow
special interests to the list of favored goals without having
them weighed against the public interest or subjected to the rule
of reason. And the greater the conflict between what they want
and what's good for the rest of us, the greater incentive they
have to bypass the normal procedures and keep it secret.
That's what happened, for example, when Vice President Cheney
invited all of those oil and gas industry executives to meet in
secret sessions with him and his staff to put their wish lists
into the administration's legislative package in early 2001.
That group wanted to get rid of the Kyoto Treaty on Global
Warming, of course, and the Administration pulled out of it first
thing. The list of people who helped write our nation's new
environmental and energy policies is still secret, and the Vice
President won't say whether or not his former company,
Halliburton, was included. But of course, as practically
everybody in the world knows, Halliburton was given a huge
open-ended contract to take over and run the Iraqi oil fields--
without having to bid against any other companies.
Secondly, when leaders make up their minds on a policy without
ever having to answer hard questions about whether or not it's
good or bad for the American people as a whole, they can pretty
quickly get into situations where it's really uncomfortable for
them to defend what they've done with simple and truthful
explanations. That's when they're tempted to fuzz up the facts
and create false impressions. And when other facts start to come
out that undermine the impression they're trying to maintain,
they have a big incentive to try to keep the truth bottled up if
-- they can -- or distort it.
For example, a couple of weeks ago, the White House ordered
its own EPA to strip important scientific information about the
dangers of global warming out of a public report. Instead, the
White House substituted information that was partly paid for by
the American Petroleum Institute. This week, analysts at the
Treasury Department told a reporter that they're now being
routinely ordered to change their best analysis of what the
consequences of the Bush tax laws are likely to be for the
average person.
Here is the pattern that I see: the President's mishandling of
and selective use of the best evidence available on the threat
posed by Iraq is pretty much the same as the way he intentionally
distorted the best available evidence on climate change, and
rejected the best available evidence on the threat posed to
America's economy by his tax and budget proposals.
In each case, the President seems to have been pursuing
policies chosen in advance of the facts -- policies designed to
benefit friends and supporters -- and has used tactics that
deprived the American people of any opportunity to effectively
subject his arguments to the kind of informed scrutiny that is
essential in our system of checks and balances.
The administration has developed a highly effective propaganda
machine to imbed in the public mind mythologies that grow out of
the one central doctrine that all of the special interests agree
on, which -- in its purest form -- is that government is very bad
and should be done away with as much as possible -- except the
parts of it that redirect money through big contracts to
industries that have won their way into the inner circle.
For the same reasons they push the impression that government
is bad, they also promote the myth that there really is no such
thing as the public interest. What's important to them is private
interests. And what they really mean is that those who have a lot
of wealth should be left alone, rather than be called upon to
reinvest in society through taxes.
Perhaps the biggest false impression of all lies in the hidden
social objectives of this Administration that are advertised with
the phrase "compassionate conservatism" -- which they claim is a
new departure with substantive meaning. But in reality, to be
compassionate is meaningless, if compassion is limited to the
mere awareness of the suffering of others. The test of compassion
is action. What the administration offers with one hand is the
rhetoric of compassion; what it takes away with the other hand
are the financial resources necessary to make compassion
something more than an empty and fading impression.
Maybe one reason that false impressions have a played a bigger
role than they should is that both Congress and the news media
have been less vigilant and exacting than they should have been
in the way they have tried to hold the Administration
accountable.
Whenever both houses of Congress are controlled by the
President's party, there is a danger of passivity and a
temptation for the legislative branch to abdicate its
constitutional role. If the party in question is unusually fierce
in demanding ideological uniformity and obedience, then this
problem can become even worse and prevent the Congress from
properly exercising oversight. Under these circumstances, the
majority party in the Congress has a special obligation to the
people to permit full Congressional inquiry and oversight rather
than to constantly frustrate and prevent it.
Whatever the reasons for the recent failures to hold the
President properly accountable, America has a compelling need to
quickly breathe new life into our founders' system of checks and
balances -- because some extremely important choices about our
future are going to be made shortly, and it is imperative that we
avoid basing them on more false impressions.
One thing the President could do to facilitate the restoration
of checks and balances is to stop blocking reasonable efforts
from the Congress to play its rightful role. For example, he
could order his appointees to cooperate fully with the bipartisan
National Commission on Terrorist Attacks, headed by former
Republican Governor Tom Kean. And he should let them examine how
the White House handled the warnings that are said to have been
given to the President by the intelligence community.
Two years ago yesterday, for example, according to the Wall
Street Journal, the President was apparently advised in specific
language that Al Qaeda was going to hijack some airplanes to
conduct a terrorist strike inside the U.S.
I understand his concern about people knowing exactly what he
read in the privacy of the Oval Office, and there is a legitimate
reason for treating such memos to the President with care. But
that concern has to be balanced against the national interest in
improving the way America deals with such information. And the
apparently chaotic procedures that were used to handle the forged
nuclear documents from Niger certainly show evidence that there
is room for improvement in the way the White House is dealing
with intelligence memos. Along with other members of the previous
administration, I certainly want the commission to have access to
any and all documents sent to the White House while we were there
that have any bearing on this issue. And President Bush should
let the commission see the ones that he read too.
After all, this President has claimed the right for his
executive branch to send his assistants into every public library
in America and secretly monitor what the rest of us are reading.
That's been the law ever since the Patriot Act was enacted. If we
have to put up with such a broad and extreme invasion of our
privacy rights in the name of terrorism prevention, surely he can
find a way to let this National Commission know how he and his
staff handled a highly specific warning of terrorism just 36 days
before 9/11.
And speaking of the Patriot Act, the president ought to reign
in John Ashcroft and stop the gross abuses of civil rights that
twice have been documented by his own Inspector General. And
while he's at it, he needs to reign in Donald Rumsfeld and get
rid of that DoD "Total Information Awareness" program that's
right out of George Orwell's 1984.
The administration hastened from the beginning to persuade us
that defending America against terror cannot be done without
seriously abridging the protections of the Constitution for
American citizens, up to and including an asserted right to place
them in a form of limbo totally beyond the authority of our
courts. And that view is both wrong and fundamentally
un-American.
But the most urgent need for new oversight of the Executive
Branch and the restoration of checks and balances is in the realm
of our security, where the Administration is asking that we
accept a whole cluster of new myths:
For example, the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty was an
effort to strike a bargain between states possessing nuclear
weapons and all others who had pledged to refrain from developing
them. This administration has rejected it and now, incredibly,
wants to embark on a new program to build a brand new generation
of smaller (and it hopes, more usable) nuclear bombs. In my
opinion, this would be true madness -- and the point of no return
to the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty -- even as we and our allies
are trying to prevent a nuclear testing breakout by North Korea
and Iran.
Similarly, the Kyoto treaty is an historic effort to strike a
grand bargain between free-market capitalism and the protection
of the global environment, now gravely threatened by rapidly
accelerating warming of the Earth's atmosphere and the consequent
disruption of climate patterns that have persisted throughout the
entire history of civilization as we know it. This administration
has tried to protect the oil and coal industries from any
restrictions at all -- though Kyoto may become legally effective
for global relations even without U.S. participation.
Ironically, the principal cause of global warming is our
civilization's addiction to burning massive quantities
carbon-based fuels, including principally oil -- the most
important source of which is the Persian Gulf, where our soldiers
have been sent for the second war in a dozen years -- at least
partly to ensure our continued access to oil.
We need to face the fact that our dangerous and unsustainable
consumption of oil from a highly unstable part of the world is
similar in its consequences to all other addictions. As it
becomes worse, the consequences get more severe and you have to
pay the dealer more.
And by now, it is obvious to most Americans that we have had
one too many wars in the Persian Gulf and that we need an urgent
effort to develop environmentally sustainable substitutes for
fossil fuels and a truly international effort to stabilize the
Persian Gulf and rebuild Iraq.
The removal of Saddam from power is a positive accomplishment
in its own right for which the President deserves credit, just as
he deserves credit for removing the Taliban from power in
Afghanistan. But in the case of Iraq, we have suffered enormous
collateral damage because of the manner in which the
Administration went about the invasion. And in both cases, the
aftermath has been badly mishandled.
The administration is now trying to give the impression that
it is in favor of NATO and UN participation in such an effort.
But it is not willing to pay the necessary price, which is
support of a new UN Resolution and genuine sharing of control
inside Iraq.
If the 21st century is to be well started, we need a national
agenda that is worked out in concert with the people, a healing
agenda that is built on a true national consensus. Millions of
Americans got the impression that George W. Bush wanted to be a
"healer, not a divider", a president devoted first and foremost
to "honor and integrity." Yet far from uniting the people, the
president's ideologically narrow agenda has seriously divided
America. His most partisan supporters have launched a kind of
'civil cold war' against those with whom they disagree.
And as for honor and integrity, let me say this: we know what
that was all about, but hear me well, not as a candidate for any
office, but as an American citizen who loves my country:
For eight years, the Clinton-Gore Administration gave this
nation honest budget numbers; an economic plan with integrity
that rescued the nation from debt and stagnation; honest advocacy
for the environment; real compassion for the poor; a
strengthening of our military -- as recently proven -- and a
foreign policy whose purposes were elevated, candidly presented
and courageously pursued, in the face of scorched-earth tactics
by the opposition. That is also a form of honor and integrity,
and not every administration in recent memory has displayed
it.
So I would say to those who have found the issue of honor and
integrity so useful as a political tool, that the people are also
looking for these virtues in the execution of public policy on
their behalf, and will judge whether they are present or
absent.
I am proud that my party has candidates for president
committed to those values. I admire the effort and skill they are
putting into their campaigns. I am not going to join them, but
later in the political cycle I will endorse one of them, because
I believe that we must stand for a future in which the United
States will again be feared only by its enemies; in which our
country will again lead the effort to create an international
order based on the rule of law; a nation which upholds
fundamental rights even for those it believes to be its captured
enemies; a nation whose financial house is in order; a nation
where the market place is kept healthy by effective government
scrutiny; a country which does what is necessary to provide for
the health, education, and welfare of our people; a society in
which citizens of all faiths enjoy equal standing; a republic
once again comfortable that its chief executive knows the limits
as well as the powers of the presidency; a nation that places the
highest value on facts, not ideology, as the basis for all its
great debates and decisions.
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