Dubya's Money Men
ABCNews
By Michael S. James
July 03, 2003
July 3 — If money is the mother's milk of politics, as
one Republican fund-raiser puts it, then George W. Bush is
swimming in it, thanks to a small army of "Rangers" rounding up
cash for the presumptive GOP presidential candidate.
Already, Bush's money-gatherers — include dozens of
wealthy or influential business executives, lawyers, lobbyists
and politicians — have fanned out around the country to
help guide parades of donors to Bush fund-raisers such as those
in Washington (collecting a reported $3.5 million), New York ($4
million), Los Angeles ($3.5 million), and San Francisco ($1.6
million).
The campaign's estimated tally as of Monday — a cool
$34.2 million arranged through the coordinators and other
sources. By contrast, among Democrats who disclosed their
fund-raising results, Howard Dean's campaign claimed Tuesday to
have raised the highest total last quarter, $7.5 million, which
would beat John Edwards' first-quarter-leading total of $7.4
million.
So who are the Bush fund-raisers raising such unheard of
sums?
One example is David Miner, a North Carolina state
representative and one of at least 225 people — and
probably more — who during the Bush 2000 campaign earned
the title "Pioneer" by crossing a $100,000 fund-raising
barrier.
This time around, Miner thinks he can raise at least twice as
much money for his candidate. That's because individual
contribution limits have been doubled to $2,000, and Bush is a
sitting president running unopposed for his party's nomination
(North Carolinian Elizabeth Dole competed for dollars in 2000).
If Miner reaches the $200,000 level, it would earn him the newly
created title of Bush "Ranger."
"Given his record, he's going to be a candidate that people
will be excited about," Miner enthused. "I'm personally very
excited about and look forward to raising money for his
campaign."
Click here for Bush's top 10 fund-raisers in 2000.
Political observers believe Bush's network of fund-raisers,
along with campaign-finance rule changes that work strongly in
Bush's favor, will likely allow the president to overwhelm any
Democratic opponent with an unchallenged flurry of spending.
"It doesn't seal the election, [but] this financial advantage
digs a very deep and steep hole for the Democrat," said Michael
J. Malbin, director of the nonpartisan Campaign Finance
Institute, which is affiliated with George Washington University
in Washington.
If Democrats are to have hopes of winning, he added, they will
have to move from a heavy reliance on so-called soft money,
revive their badly atrophied hard-money contributor networks and
organization, and manage to catch lightning in a bottle
politically.
"There's no question they're at a disadvantage, but they're
not out of the game," said Malbin, also a professor of political
science at the State University of New York at Albany. "The big
thing is whether one of them has a big issue that catches
on."
Dems Pockets Empty, Hands Tied?
Big campaign donations, and "bundlers" who specialize in
raising them, have been a part of politics since George
Washington's day. Past presidents William McKinley and Richard
Nixon were among the fund-raising masters, according to
Malbin.
Recent Democratic campaigns for Bill Clinton and Al Gore also
deployed such bundling networks.
But in the current era, political observers see the Bush
fund-raising machine in a league of its own. Some expect the Bush
campaign may raise a record $200 million, largely through
individual "hard money" donations, before the election is
through. The total would approximately double the Bush campaign's
record fund-raising total for the 2000 election.
Bush is expected to pull in so much hard money that he'll be
able comfortably to eschew federal matching funds until the
Republican nomination in September 2004 ushers in his general
election campaign. Not needing or taking the millions of dollars
in matching funds would allow him to bypass accompanying limits
on campaign spending.
On the other hand, if a Democrat takes matching funds, likely
necessary to compete with other primary opponents who will be
accepting them, he or she might find purse strings tied shut
after spending to the limit to win a politically and financially
bruising primary.
That's because once the spending limit is reached, the
Democrat's campaign would not be allowed to spend any more money
directly (others can spend, with restrictions, on its behalf)
until he or she becomes the official nominee at summer 2004's
Democratic convention, which will kick off their general election
campaign against Bush.
The so-called McCain-Feingold campaign finance reform rules
— the same ones that raised the hard-money contribution
limits to $2,000 per person, per campaign — clamped down on
soft money, the large, indirect sums from special interest
groups.
"In '92 and '96, the parties spent soft money between March
and July … and now they cannot do it, so they must spend
hard money to replace the soft money," Malbin said. "George Bush
will have a lot of money, and the Democrat will have almost
nothing. And Bush in March will be able to define the difference
between himself and the Democrat."
Influence of Wealthy
Watchdog groups are troubled by the situation.
"This clearly shows that hard money is equally problematic [as
soft money] because it is amassed from the same set of wealthy
circles from which the soft money gets amassed," said John
Bonifaz, founder and executive director of the National Voting
Rights Institute.
"The Rangers is just another example of how the hard money
increases in the McCain-Feingold law will explode the capacity of
campaigns like the Bush campaign to raise hard money," he
said.
Bonifaz's group, jointly with the Austin-based Texans for
Public Justice and others, is challenging parts of
McCain-Feingold in court, attempting to return individual
contribution limits to $1,000. The groups expect to be before the
Supreme Court in September, arguing higher contribution limits
give undue influence to the wealthy.
"People who give that kind of money are in the top wealthy 5
percentile, if not 1 percentile, of the nation," Bonifaz said.
"The average citizen is completely locked out of this exclusive
fund-raising activity."
Bush officials and fund-raisers counter that many Bush
contributors are not wealthy, and give small amounts, rather than
the full $2,000.
Texans for Public Justice, which calls itself nonpartisan,
fears there could be some sort of payback involved for the
fund-raisers. It identifies 43 Pioneers from the 2000 campaign it
says later were offered Bush administration appointments,
including 19 foreign ambassadorships and Cabinet positions as
secretaries of labor (Elaine Chao) and homeland security (Tom
Ridge).
"There is no doubt that high donors get extraordinary access,"
said Andrew Wheat, the group's research director. "The Pioneers
are going to get their calls answered. It's all about access, and
does access help you get government contracts? Does access help
you get government appointments? Of course it does."
But Miner maintains there are no significant perks for his
Bush fund-raising efforts, which generally consist of a few hours
of calls each week for Bush, in between his own government duties
and fund-raising.
"Anyone who's capable of raising $100,000 or $200,000, we
don't need another pin or another set of cuff links or anything,"
he said. "We've all been active in raising money in politics for
many candidates. And so you can only go into so many cocktail
receptions and they get very old after awhile."
When asked why people would go through the trouble of being a
Ranger or Pioneer, Dan Ronayne, a spokesman for the Bush-Cheney
2004 campaign, deflected questions on perks, saying only that
volunteers go through the effort to achieve "good
government."
Miner added: "I think people do it because they believe in the
president and they believe in what he's doing. There's not really
any perks to this program. You know, I think we get better seats
at the Republican convention and we get invited to a party here
and there, but there's no great benefit."
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