|
|
Fact Checking Bush Q&A from
Philadelphia Whitehouse.gov
December 12, 2005
Bush: Thank you for letting me come. (Applause.)
I thought I might answer some questions. (Laughter.) Yes, ma'am.
Q Since the inception of the Iraqi war, I'd like to know the approximate
total of Iraqis who have been killed. And by Iraqis I include civilians,
military, police, insurgents, translators.
THE PRESIDENT: How many Iraqi citizens have died in this war? I would say
30,000, more or less, have died as a result of the initial incursion and the
ongoing violence against Iraqis. We've lost about 2,140 of our own troops in
Iraq.
The order was relayed by the ministry's director of planning, Dr. Nazar
Shabandar, but the U.S.-led Coalition Provisional Authority, which oversees the
ministry, also wanted the counting to stop, said Dr. Nagham Mohsen, the head of
the ministry's statistics department.
Bush: Yes.
Q Mr. President, thank you --
THE PRESIDENT: I'll repeat the question. If I don't like it, I'll make it
up. (Laughter and applause.)
Q -- Thank you for coming to the city where liberty was born. Central to
your policy in Iraq is the role of the Iraqis. We hear widely different tales
about how the Iraqis are doing in their own area of defense. Could you give us
your perspective on how they're doing, how well the military is doing, what you
feel the capability is to do the task that you want them to do, to include some
of the widely different impressions that we hear about.
THE PRESIDENT: No, I appreciate that. When we first began training -- our
strategy all along has been to train Iraqis so they can take the fight and
succeed in what we're trying to do, which is a democracy -- a democracy which
will serve as an example for others; a democracy which will join us in the
fight on terror; a democracy which will help us prevent other countries from
becoming safe haven for terrorists who still want to kill us. That's -- that
was our objective. And all along we wanted the Iraqis to be able to do -- take
the fight.
When we first got going we said we'll train an army that will be able to
deal with external threats, and a civil defense corps that will be able to deal
with internal threats. And the problem with that strategy was that the internal
threats were a heck of a lot more severe than the external threats, and the
army -- the civilian corps we trained was not properly trained and
equipped.
So we adjusted. We trained everybody for the army and -- recognizing that
the army is going to have to not only take the fight to the enemy -- or the new
army take the fight to the enemy, but when we clear enemies out of places like
Mosul, that there has to be an Iraqi army presence to earn the confidence of
the people.
When the war first got going, we'd move into Mosul, clear out an enemy,
leave, and the enemy would return. And so the Iraqi people had no confidence in
the future. They were -- they didn't dare, for example, tell coalition forces
or Iraqi forces the names of those who were killing their citizens because they
didn't have the confidence there would be a force to protect them. And so we
began the process of clearing out and holding with more and more trained Iraqi
forces. And now the Iraqi forces are helping to rebuild these cities. Democracy
is only going to succeed if people say, my life is going to be better. I mean,
no different a campaign here -- you know, vote for me, I want to help improve
your life.
Militias are operating within the Shia-led government, torturing and killing
in secret bunkers, he said.
"People are doing the same as (in) Saddam Hussein's time and worse," Mr
Allawi told the newspaper.
"It is an appropriate comparison. People are remembering the days of
Saddam.
Bush (continuing): And that's what -- and so the strategy has been to -- let
me say, we adjusted our strategy, and there's about 200,000-plus capable units.
Now, not all of them are ready to take the fight to the enemy. In order to have
a division or a battalion ready to fight, you've got to be able to communicate,
you've got to be able to move, you've got to be able to have logistical
supplies. But more and more of the Iraqis are in the lead in the fight, and
more and more Iraqis are being trained so they can hold the positions once we
clear.
DUBAI (AP) The training of Iraqi security forces has suffered a big
"setback" in the last six months, with the army and other forces being
increasingly used to settle scores and make other political gains, Iraqi Vice
President Ghazi al-Yawer said Monday
Al-Yawer disputed contentions by U.S. officials, including President Bush,
that the training of security forces was gathering speed, resulting in more
professional troops.
Bush (cont): We are not completed -- we haven't completed the job of
training the Iraqis. But what is beginning to happen is, is that you're
beginning to see our troops step back from the fight. I don't know if you
realize, we had some 90 bases in Iraq, and I think we've closed about 40 -- or
turned over -- closed or turned over 40 of those bases to the Iraqis. In other
words, our profile is beginning to move back as the Iraqis get trained up -- so
that we can continue working on training, and also help them chase down Zarqawi
and his buddies. They're -- these guys are very tough and they're cold-blooded
killers.
The enemy has got one weapon. See, they can't defeat us militarily. What
they can do is they can -- and will -- kill innocent people in the hopes of
trying to get the United States of America to leave the battlefield early. The
only way we can lose is if we lose our nerve. And they know that. And they've
stated that publicly.
And -- but the training is going much better than it was in the first year.
The -- and we've just got more to do, and we need to do it, because a free
Iraq, again, will be an important ally in this war. This is a global struggle
we're in. It's -- this isn't an enemy that is isolated, kind of angry group of
people. These are people that have got a totalitarian vision. They've got
designs and ambitions. They've laid out their strategy and they explained their
tactics. And we've got to listen to them and take them seriously. And part of
their tactics is to create vacuums so that their hateful ideology flows in.
They -- listen, the attack of September the 11th was a part of a broad
strategy to get us to retreat from the world. And that -- people say, well,
he's making it up that they want to establish a totalitarian empire that
stretches from Spain to Indonesia. I'm telling you what they said; not me. This
is what Zawahiri has said -- the number-two man in al Qaeda. It seems like to
me we need to take it seriously when the enemy says something.
Bin Laden: The Arabian Peninsula has never -- since Allah made it flat,
created its desert, and encircled it with seas -- been stormed by any forces
like the crusader armies spreading in it like locusts, eating its riches and
wiping out its plantations. All this is happening at a time in which nations
are attacking Muslims like people fighting over a plate of food. In the light
of the grave situation and the lack of support, we and you are obliged to
discuss current events, and we should all agree on how to settle the
matter.
No one argues today about three facts that are known to everyone; we will
list them, in order to remind everyone:
-
First, for over seven years the United States has been occupying the lands
of Islam in the holiest of places, the Arabian Peninsula, plundering its
riches, dictating to its rulers, humiliating its people, terrorizing its
neighbors, and turning its bases in the Peninsula into a spearhead through
which to fight the neighboring Muslim peoples.
If some people have in the past argued about the fact of the occupation, all
the people of the Peninsula have now acknowledged it. The best proof of this is
the Americans' continuing aggression against the Iraqi people using the
Peninsula as a staging post, even though all its rulers are again
-
Second, despite the great devastation inflicted on the Iraqi people by the
crusader-Zionist alliance, and despite the huge number of those killed, which
has exceeded 1 million... despite all this, the Americans are once against
trying to repeat the horrific massacres, as though they are not content with
the protracted blockade imposed after the ferocious war or the fragmentation
and devastation.
-
So here they come to annihilate what is left of this people and to humiliate
their Muslim neighbors.
- Third, if the Americans' aims behind these wars are religious and economic,
the aim is also to serve the Jews' petty state and divert attention from its
occupation of Jerusalem and murder of Muslims there. The best proof of this is
their eagerness to destroy Iraq, the strongest neighboring Arab state, and
their endeavor to fragment all the states of the region such as Iraq, Saudi
Arabia, Egypt, and Sudan into paper statelets and through their disunion and
weakness to guarantee Israel's survival and the continuation of the brutal
crusade occupation of the Peninsula.
All these crimes and sins committed by the Americans are a clear declaration
of war on Allah, his messenger, and Muslims.
Bush (cont): Kind of getting off subject, here, but -- yes, sir.
Q Mr. President, I'm a proud U.S. citizen, naturalized, and card-carrying
Republican. I voted for you both times. I grew in India, a Sunni. In fact, the
President of the Republic of India is a Sunni. And I think it's a great
testimony to this nation that was -- the vision of which was laid out within a
few -- half a mile of here, that somebody like me can be in a position of
leadership and be successfully engaged in contributing to the current and
future economic well-being of this nation. Mr. President, I support your
efforts in Iraq. But I'd like to know what are we going to do in the broader
battle in creating a favorable image and reaching out to people across the
world, so that people like me all over the world can be passionate supporters
of the United States.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I appreciate that. First of all, success will help the
image of the United States. Look, I recognize we got an image issue,
particularly when you got television stations, Arabic television stations that
are constantly just pounding America, creating -- saying America is fighting
Islam, Americans can't stand Muslims, this is a war against a religion. And
we've got to, obviously, do a better job of reminding people that ours is not a
nation that rejects religion; ours is a nation that accepts people of all
faith, and that the great strength of America is the capacity for people to
worship freely.
It's difficult. I mean, their propaganda machine is pretty darn intense. And
so we're constantly sending out messages, we're constantly trying to reassure
people, but we're also -- we're also acting. And that's what's important for
our citizens to realize. Our position in the world is such that I don't think
we can retreat. I think we have a duty and an obligation to use our vast
influence to help.
In one telephone poll of teens between the ages of 14 and 18, over 40 per
cent of the respondents described the United States as being "evil". That
number rose to 64 per cent for French Canadian youth.
Bush (cont): I cite two examples of where I think it will make a big -- of
where American image in the Muslim world will be improved. One is the tsunami.
The tsunamis hit; it was the United States military, through the USS Abraham
Lincoln, that provided the logistical organization necessary to get the -- to
get the -- to save a lot of lives. We moved. A lot of people kind of sat around
and discussed; not us. We saw a problem and we moved.
Same in Pakistan. The earthquake in Pakistan is devastating. The United
States of America was first on the scene. We got a lot of kids flying choppers
all around that country providing help and aid.
And so I guess what I'm saying to you is, is that a proper use of influence
that helps improve people's lives is the best way to affect -- to change the
image of country, and to defeat the propaganda. Having said all that, a lot of
people want to come to America. The image may be bad, but give them a chance,
all you who want to come to America, raise your hand -- there's a lot wanting
to come. That's another issue, which is immigration reform.
But thank you for that. One thing America must never do is lose our capacity
to take people from all walks of life and help them become an American, first
and foremost. That's what distinguishes us from other cultures and other
nations. You can come from wherever you are, and I can come from Texas, and we
both share the same deal -- we're Americans first and foremost. I happen to be
a Methodist. You're a Sunni. (Laughter.)
Yes, ma'am.
Q Mr. President, I would like to know why it is that you and others in your
administration keep linking 9/11 to the invasion of Iraq when no respected
journalist or Middle Eastern expert confirmed that such a link existed.
THE PRESIDENT: What did she -- I missed the question. Sorry. I didn't -- I
beg your pardon, I didn't hear you. Seriously.
Q I would like to know why you and others in your administration invoke 9/11
as justification for the invasion of Iraq --
THE PRESIDENT: Yes --
Q -- when no respected journalists or other Middle Eastern experts confirm
that such a link existed.
THE PRESIDENT: I appreciate that. 9/11 changed my look on foreign policy. I
mean, it said that oceans no longer protect us, that we can't take threats for
granted; that if we see a threat, we've got to deal with it. It doesn't have to
be militarily, necessarily, but we got to deal with it. We can't -- can't just
hope for the best anymore.
Bush (cont): And so the first decision I made, as you know, was to -- was to
deal with the Taliban in Afghanistan because they were harboring terrorists.
This is where the terrorists planned and plotted.
Bush (cont): And the second decision, -- which was a very difficult decision
for me, by the way, and it's one that I -- I didn't take lightly -- was that
Saddam Hussein was a threat. He is a declared enemy of the United States; he
had used weapons of mass destruction; the entire world thought he had weapons
of mass destruction. The United Nations had declared in more than 10 -- I can't
remember the exact number of resolutions -- that disclose, or disarm, or face
serious consequences. I mean, there was a serious international effort to say
to Saddam Hussein, you're a threat. And the 9/11 attacks extenuated that
threat, as far as I -- concerned.
World Trade Center bombing February 26, 1993:
- Abdul Rahman Yasin, United States
Plot to bomb commercial United States airliners flying routes to the United
States from Southeast Asia
January 1995:
- Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, Kuwait (arrested in Pakistan, Mar. 2003)
Khobar Towers bombing in Saudi Arabia,
June 25, 1996:
- Ahmed Ibrahim Al-Mughassil, Saudi Arabia
- Ali Saed Bin Ali El-Houri, Saudi Arabia
- Ibrahim Salih Mohammed Al-Yacoub, Saudi Arabia
- Abdelkarim Hussein Mohamed Al-Nasser, Saudi Arabia
U.S. embassy bombings in Kenya, and Tanzania August 7, 1998:
- Osama bin Laden, Saudi Arabia
- Muhammad Atef, Egypt
- Ayman Al-Zawahiri, Egypt
- Fazul Abdullah Mohammed, Comoros
- Mustafa Mohamed Fadhil, Egypt
- Fahid Mohammed Ally Msalam, Kenya
- Ahmed Khalfan Ghailani, Tanzania
- Sheikh Ahmed Salim Swedan, Kenya
- Abdullah Ahmed Abdullah, Egypt
- Anas Al-Liby, Libya
- Saif Al-Adel, Egypt
- Ahmed Mohammed Hamed Ali, Egypt
- Mushin Musa Matwalli Atwah, Egypt
Hijacking of TWA Flight 847 June 14, 1985:
- Imad Fayez Mugniyah, Lebanon
- Hassan Izz-Al-Din, Lebanon
- Ali Atwa, Lebanon
And so we gave Saddam Hussein the chance to disclose or disarm, and he
refused. And I made a tough decision. And knowing what I know today, I'd make
the decision again. Removing Saddam Hussein makes this world a better place and
America a safer country. (Applause.)
Last question. I've actually got something to do. (Laughter.) You're paying
me all this money, I'd better get back to work. (Laughter.)
Hold on a second. Got a guy here.
Q Mr. President, I'm from the Phelps School; I'm a supporter of yours.
THE PRESIDENT: Oops, that kind of prejudices your question. (Laughter.)
Q Well I have a question for you. Do you feel that since invading Iraq, the
threat of terrorism on U.S. soil has been reduced significantly?
THE PRESIDENT: I think it's been reduced; I don't think we're safe. What
will really give me confidence to say that we're safe is when I can tell the
American people we've got the capacity to know exactly where the enemy is
moving. This is a different kind of war. These people hide. They -- they're
patient and they're sophisticated. And that's why our intelligence-gathering is
really important.
You know, occasionally they come out and want to fight like they're doing in
Iraq. This guy, Zarqawi, has sworn his allegiance to bin Laden. He has -- he's
declared his intentions. But there's a lot of them who lurk and hide. And what
we've really got to do is continue to hone our intelligence-gathering to make
sure that we can, as best as possible, understand their intents and watch their
movements. And this requires international cooperation.
Bush (cont): I will tell you the international cooperation, when it comes to
sharing intelligence, is good. It requires us being able to cut off their money
and move money around. They can't -- it turns out, they can't launch attacks
without money. And so we're doing the best we can to work with others to find
out where their money is moving. And that way, it will be a -- give us a chance
to find out where they are.
The long run in this war is going to require a change of governments in
parts of the world. It's -- and this is why it's very important for me to
continue to remind the American people about what's taking place in history.
One of my favorite stories is to tell people about -- or go-bys – is to
tell people about my relationship with Koizumi, Prime Minister Koizumi of
Japan. He's an interesting guy. He likes Elvis, for example, which is --
(laughter) -- interesting -- (laughter). He's a friend. He's also a friend when
it comes to peace. He's a reliable, steady ally when it comes to dealing with
North Korea. North Korea is a country that has declared boldly they've got
nuclear weapons, they counterfeit our money, and they've starving their people
to death. And it's good to have an ally that understands human rights and the
condition of the human being are vital for this world and world peace.
And yet, 60 years ago, my dad fought against the Japanese -- many of your
relatives did, as well. They were the sworn enemy of the United States. I find
it amazing -- I don't know if you find it amazing -- I find it amazing that I
sit down with this guy, strategizing about how to make the world a more
peaceful place when my dad and others fought him.
And so what happened? Now, 60 years seems like a long time, particularly if
you're 59, like me. (Laughter.) But it's not all that long in history, when you
think about it. And what happened was a Japanese-style democracy emerged.
Democracies yield the peace. That's what history has shown us. That's what I
tried to say in my peroration in this speech. That's a long word. I'm doing it
for Senator Specter here. (Laughter and applause.) Just showing off, Senator.
Just trying to look good in front of the folks here at home. (Laughter.) But
it's an accurate portrayal of what has happened. Democracies yield the
peace.
So the fundamental question is, do we have the confidence and universal
values to help change a troubled part of the world . . .
If you're a supporter of Israel, I would strongly urge you to help other
countries become democracies. Israel's long-term survival depends upon the
spread of democracy in the Middle East. I recognize people have -- (applause)
-- I fully recognize that some say it's impossible, that maybe only a certain
kind of people can be -- can accept democracy. I just -- I reject that. I don't
agree with that. I believe democracy -- the desire to be free is universal.
That's what I believe. And if you believe that, then you've got to act on it.
That doesn't mean militarily. But that means using the influence of the United
States to work with others to help -- to help freedom spread.
And that's what you're seeing in Iraq. And it's hard. It's hard for a
country that has come from dictatorship two-and-a-half years ago to become a
democracy. It is hard work. There's a lot of resentment and anger and
bitterness. But I believe it's going to happen. And the only way it won't
happen is if we leave, if we lose our nerve, if we allow the terrorists to
achieve their objective. The only way we can lose this is for us to say to the
terrorists, maybe you aren't dangerous, after all -- you know, by leaving,
maybe that you'll become hospitable, decent citizens of the world. That's not
reality. And my job as the President is to see the world the way it is, not the
way we hope it is. (Applause.)
Bush (cont): I, again, want to thank you for giving me the chance to come
and deliver this speech. I'm grateful for your interest. May God bless you all,
and may God continue to bless America. (Applause.)
|
|