About That Iraq
Vote
New York Times
Published: August 15, 2004
Senator John Kerry's Iraq vote is going to haunt him
throughout the presidential campaign, no matter how he explains
it. That does not keep us from wishing that Mr. Kerry would do a
better job with the issue.
Mr. Kerry, as almost everyone now knows, voted to give
President Bush the authority to invade Iraq, in a post-9/11
climate of fear and widespread conviction that Saddam Hussein had
weapons of mass destruction that might be used against the United
States or its allies in the near future. Now that we know
differently, some senators have said they regret their vote. Not
Mr. Kerry. He affirmed once again last week that he believes he
did the right thing. It was Mr. Bush who erred, he continued, by
misusing the power he had been given.
The president gleefully seized on the remark as evidence that
his opponent agrees that he was right "to go into Iraq and remove
Saddam Hussein from power." That is not exactly what Mr. Kerry
said. He - and many other Democrats - say that the White House
asked for the vote as a way of strengthening Mr. Bush's hand in
negotiations with the United Nations, but that they were betrayed
when the president went ahead and launched an invasion without
broad international support.
We're sure Mr. Kerry is right in claiming that the White
House, in its negotiations with the Senate, played down the
possibility that the vote would lead to actual conflict. That
does not mean the public will be satisfied with an explanation
that he authorized an invasion under the presumption it would not
happen. After nearly two years of working with the Bush
administration, Congress had a very good idea of how Mr. Bush
viewed the world, what advisers he listened to, and what he was
likely to do with American troops if Congress gave him a broad
authorization to go to war. It was for precisely that reason that
some senators, led by Joseph Biden and Richard Lugar, struggled
unsuccessfully to narrow down the resolution. Senator Biden says
Senator Kerry worked with him behind the scenes.
But for the most part Mr. Kerry, who voted against the first
Persian Gulf war, tailored his positions on this one to his
presidential ambitions. He was more hawkish when the leading
candidate for the Democratic nomination seemed to be Richard
Gephardt, and more dovish when Howard Dean picked up momentum. At
the height of the Dean insurgency, both Mr. Kerry and his running
mate, John Edwards, decided to oppose spending $87 billion to
underwrite the occupation of Iraq that they both voted to
authorize.
The Republicans have made much of this record; the Kerry
campaign is haunted by replays of the theme song from the old TV
show "Flipper." Mr. Bush, however, has a far more dangerous
pattern of behavior. On issues from tax cuts to foreign policy,
the president tends to stick stubbornly to his original course
even when changing events cry out for adaptation. His
explanations seem to evolve every day, but his thinking never
does.
What we would like to hear from Mr. Kerry is how the events of
the last year have changed his own thinking. He consistently
describes the failures of Iraq as failures in tactics - from a
lack of international support to a lack of adequate body armor
for the troops. We're wondering if he really believes better
planning or better diplomacy would have made the difference, or
whether the whole idea of sending troops was flawed. Arab nations
have a painful history of Western colonization, and there is an
instinctive resistance to the idea of a Western occupation of
Arab soil. How much does Mr. Kerry think the addition of French
and German soldiers would have improved things? In retrospect, it
seems that even if Arab nations like Saudi Arabia or Egypt had
added their support, the outcome would have more likely been
trouble for the governments of those countries back home rather
than credibility on the streets of Baghdad.
There are undoubtedly circumstances that call for military
action, but we would like to know whether, as president, John
Kerry would insist on a higher threshold than he settled for as
an opportunistic senator in 2002.
Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company
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